LAST person to post is the winner!!!

[Deredere]

But why would he want to kill such a nice femboy bunny?

 

[Ilikepie]

the bunny ate his cookie and he wants revenge.

 

[Swift_Phoenix]

I’m just going to fix this....
*showers cookies for everyone*

 

[Ilikepie]

*tries to catch all the cookies*

 

[Deredere]

Wait, does this mean anonymous won't kill Rowan anymore?

 

[Swift_Phoenix]

Save some for RandomDiscordman022 and N-On-E-Mus !

Wait, does this mean anonymous won't kill Rowan anymore?

Yup! Or that’s the idea anyway

 

[Virus]

But why would he want to kill such a nice femboy bunny?

I dunno dere, I just don't know :/

 

[Swift_Phoenix]

Rowwie has done nothing wrong ¯\_(ツ)_/¯

 

[Virus]

*slumps in sadness*

Rowwie has done nothing wrong ¯\_(ツ)_/¯

No no, you got a point there swift

 

[Swift_Phoenix]

Except if being cute is a crime; then our little bunny is definitely guilty. *nods*

 

[Folly-Derrezzed]

I am a machine.

 

[Swift_Phoenix]

Okay....

 

[Folly-Derrezzed]

This machine requires femboy rabbits. Boutta be thanksgivin eheheh.

By that i mean hes boutta be roasted.

 

[Mr.Dimentio]

I can use my dark 4chan magic to banish either N-On-E-Mus or Rowan_quill_roggers to the shadow realm known as 2b2t. Like if you want Rowan_quill_roggers banished love if you want N-On-E-Mus banished.

 

[Folly-Derrezzed]

Nevermind. Boutta fry some frog.

 

[Mr.Dimentio]

Nevermind. Boutta fry some frog.

Have you ever eaten frogs? They taste like litteral swamp shit.

 

[Folly-Derrezzed]

You are a lie, ive eaten frog before. Legs, eyes, skin. Intestines are iffy based on the frog.

 

[Mr.Dimentio]

You are a lie, ive eaten frog before. Legs, eyes, skin. Intestines are iffy based on the frog.

where they fried?

 

[Folly-Derrezzed]

Fried, steamed, baked, grilled.

 

[Mr.Dimentio]

Fried, steamed, baked, grilled.

Anarcho-capitalism
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Anarcho-capitalism
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Anarcho-capitalism is a political philosophy and economic theory that advocates the elimination of centralized states in favor of self-ownership, private property and free markets. Anarcho-capitalists hold that in the absence of statute society tends to contractually self-regulate and civilize through participation in the free market which they describe as a voluntary society.[1][2] Anarcho-capitalists support wage labour[3] and believe that neither protection of person and property nor victim compensation requires a state.[4]
In a theoretical anarcho-capitalist society, the system of private property would not be enforced by the state but by private defense agencies and insurance companies selected by consumers, which would operate competitively in an open market and fulfill the roles of police and courts.[4]
Anarcho-capitalists claim that various theorists have espoused legal philosophies similar to anarcho-capitalism.[5] However, the first person to use the term anarcho-capitalism was Murray Rothbard,[6] who in the mid-20th century synthesized elements from the Austrian School, classical liberalism and 19th-century American individualist anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker while rejecting their labor theory of value and the norms they derived from it.[7] Rothbard's anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon libertarian "legal code which would be generally accepted, and which the courts would pledge themselves to follow".[8] This pact would recognize self-ownership, property, contracts and tort law in keeping with the universal non-aggression principle.[9]
Anarcho-capitalists are distinguished from minarchists, who advocate a night-watchman state limited to protecting individuals and their properties from foreign and domestic aggression; and from anarchists, who support personal property[10] and oppose private ownership of the means of production, interest, profit, rent and wage slavery which they view as inherent to capitalism.[11]
Contents

• 1Philosophy
  • 1.1Ethics
  • 1.2Property
    • 1.2.1Private property
    • 1.2.2Common property
  • 1.3Contractual society
  • 1.4Law and order and the use of violence
• 2Branches
• 3Anarchism and anarcho-capitalism
• 4History
  • 4.1Classical liberalism
  • 4.219th-century individualist anarchism in the United States
• 5Historical precedents
  • 5.1Free cities of medieval Europe
  • 5.2Medieval Iceland
  • 5.3American Old West
  • 5.4Gaelic Ireland
  • 5.5Law merchant, admiralty law and early common law
  • 5.6Somalia from 1991 to 2006
• 6Criticism
  • 6.1State, justice and defense
  • 6.2Rights and freedom
  • 6.3Economics and property
• 7Literature
  • 7.1Nonfiction
  • 7.2Fiction
• 8See also
• 9References
• 10Further reading
• 11External links

Philosophy[edit]

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Ethics[edit]

Symbol of voluntaryism using anarcho-capitalism colors
Although anarcho-capitalists are known for asserting a right to private (individualized or joint non-public) property, some propose that non-state public or community property can also exist in an anarcho-capitalist society.[12] For them, what is important is that it is acquired and transferred without help or hindrance from the "compulsory state". Deontological anarcho-capitalists believe that the only just and most economically beneficial way to acquire property is through voluntary trade, gift, or labor-based original appropriation, rather than through aggression or fraud.[13]
Anarcho-capitalists see free-market capitalism as the basis for a free and prosperous society. Murray Rothbard, who is credited with coining the term anarcho-capitalism,[14][15] said that the difference between free-market capitalism and state capitalism is the difference between "peaceful, voluntary exchange" and a collusive partnership between business and government that uses coercion to subvert the free market.[16] As anarcho-capitalists employ the term, capitalism is not to be confused with state monopoly capitalism, crony capitalism, corporatism, or contemporary mixed economies, wherein market incentives and disincentives may be altered by state action.[17]
Anarchists view capitalism as an inherently authoritarian and hierarchical system and seek the abolishment of private property.[18] There is disagreement between anarchists and anarcho-capitalists[19] as the former generally rejects anarcho-capitalism as a form of anarchism and considers anarcho-capitalism an oxymoron,[20][21][22] while the latter holds that the abolishment of private property would require expropriation which is "counterproductive to order" and would in their opinion require a state.[23] On the Nolan chart, anarcho-capitalists are located at the extreme edge of the libertarian quadrant since they reject state involvement in both economic and personal affairs.[24]
Anarcho-capitalists argue that the state relies on initiating force because force can be used against those who have not stolen personal property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud.[clarification needed] Murray Rothbard argued that all government services, including defense, are inefficient because they lack a market-based pricing mechanism regulated by the voluntary decisions of consumers purchasing services that fulfill their highest-priority needs and by investors seeking the most profitable enterprises to invest in.[25]:1051 Many anarcho-capitalists also argue that private defense and court agencies would have to have a good reputation in order to stay in business. Furthermore, Linda and Morris Tannehill argue that no coercive monopoly of force can arise on a truly free market and that a government's citizenry can not desert them in favor of a competent protection and defense agency.[26]
Rothbard bases his philosophy on natural law grounds and also provides economic explanations of why he thinks anarcho-capitalism is preferable on pragmatic grounds as well. David D. Friedman says he is not an absolutist rights theorist, but is also "not a utilitarian". However, he does believe that "utilitarian arguments are usually the best way to defend libertarian views".[27] Peter Leeson argues that "the case for anarchy derives its strength from empirical evidence, not theory".[28] Hans-Hermann Hoppe instead uses "argumentation ethics" for his foundation of "private property anarchism",[29] which is closer to Rothbard's natural law approach:

I define anarchist society as one where there is no legal possibility for coercive aggression against the person or property of any individual. Anarchists oppose the State because it has its very being in such aggression, namely, the expropriation of private property through taxation, the coercive exclusion of other providers of defense service from its territory, and all of the other depredations and coercions that are built upon these twin foci of invasions of individual rights.
— Murray Rothbard, Society Without A State

Rothbard used the term anarcho-capitalism to distinguish his philosophy from anarchism that opposes private property[30] as well as to distinguish it from other forms of individualist anarchism.[31] Other terms sometimes used for this philosophy, though not necessarily outside anarcho-capitalist circles, include: Anti-state capitalism Anti-state marketism Capitalist anarchism Free-market anarchism Individualist anarchism[32] Market anarchism Natural order[33] Ordered anarchy[33] Polycentric law Private-law society[33] Private-property anarchy[33] Pure capitalism Radical capitalism[33] Stateless capitalism Stateless liberalism Voluntaryism

While the Friedmanian formulation of anarcho-capitalism is robust to the presence of violence and in fact assumes some degree of violence will occur,[34] anarcho-capitalism as formulated by Rothbard and others holds strongly to the central libertarian nonaggression axiom:

The basic axiom of libertarian political theory holds that every man is a self owner, having absolute jurisdiction over his own body. In effect, this means that no one else may justly invade, or aggress against, another's person. It follows then that each person justly owns whatever previously unowned resources he appropriates or "mixes his labor with". From these twin axioms – self-ownership and "homesteading" – stem the justification for the entire system of property rights titles in a free-market society. This system establishes the right of every man to his own person, the right of donation, of bequest (and, concomitantly, the right to receive the bequest or inheritance), and the right of contractual exchange of property titles.[9]

Rothbard's defense of the self-ownership principle stems from what he believed to be his falsification of all other alternatives, namely that either a group of people can own another group of people, or the other alternative, that no single person has full ownership over one's self. Rothbard dismisses these two cases on the basis that they cannot result in a universal ethic, i.e. a just natural law that can govern all people, independent of place and time. The only alternative that remains to Rothbard is self-ownership, which he believes is both axiomatic and universal.[35]
In general, the non-aggression axiom is described by Rothbard as a prohibition against the initiation of force, or the threat of force, against persons (in which he includes direct violence, assault, murder) or property (in which he includes fraud, burglary, theft and taxation).[36] The initiation of force is usually referred to as aggression or coercion. The difference between anarcho-capitalists and other libertarians is largely one of the degree to which they take this axiom. Minarchist libertarians, such as most people involved in libertarian political parties, would retain the state in some smaller and less invasive form, retaining at the very least public police, courts and military. However, others might give further allowance for other government programs. In contrast, anarcho-capitalists reject any level of "state intervention", defining the state as a coercive monopoly and—as the only entity in human society that derives its income from "legal aggression"—an entity that inherently violates the central axiom of libertarianism.[35]
Some anarcho-capitalists, such as Rothbard, accept the non-aggression axiom on an intrinsic moral or natural law basis. It is in terms of the non-aggression principle that Rothbard defined anarchism, "a system which provides no legal sanction for such aggression ['against person and property']"; and wrote that "what anarchism proposes to do, then, is to abolish the State, i.e. to abolish the regularized institution of aggressive coercion".[37] In an interview published in the libertarian journal New Banner, Rothbard said that "capitalism is the fullest expression of anarchism, and anarchism is the fullest expression of capitalism".[38]
Property[edit]
Private property[edit]
Central to Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism are the concepts of self-ownership and original appropriation that combines personal and private property:

Everyone is the proper owner of his own physical body as well as of all places and nature-given goods that he occupies and puts to use by means of his body, provided only that no one else has already occupied or used the same places and goods before him. This ownership of "originally appropriated" places and goods by a person implies his right to use and transform these places and goods in any way he sees fit, provided only that he does not change thereby uninvitedly the physical integrity of places and goods originally appropriated by another person. In particular, once a place or good has been first appropriated by, in John Locke's phrase, 'mixing one's labor' with it, ownership in such places and goods can be acquired only by means of a voluntary – contractual – transfer of its property title from a previous to a later owner.[39]

Anarcho-capitalism uses the following terms in ways that may differ from common usage or various anarchist movements. Anarchism: any philosophy that opposes all forms of initiatory coercion (includes opposition to the state) Contract: a voluntary binding agreement between persons Coercion: physical force or threat of such against persons or property Capitalism: economic system where the means of production are privately owned and where investments, production, distribution, income and prices are determined through the operation of a free market rather than by statutory regulation Free market: a market where all decisions regarding transfer of money, goods (including capital goods) and services are voluntary Fraud: inducing one to part with something of value through the use of dishonesty State: an organization that taxes and engages in regularized and institutionalized aggressive coercion Voluntary: any action not influenced by coercion or fraud perpetrated by any human agency

Anarcho-capitalists advocate individual or joint (i.e. private) ownership of the means of production and the allocation of the product of labor within the context of wage labour, regardless of what the individual needs or does not need.[40] Original appropriation allows an individual to claim any never-before used resources, including land and by improving or otherwise using it, own it with the same "absolute right" as his own body, and retaining those rights forever, regardless if the resource is still being used by them. According to Rothbard, property can only come about through labor, therefore original appropriation of land is not legitimate by merely claiming it or building a fence around it—it is only by using land and by mixing one's labor with it that original appropriation is legitimized: "Any attempt to claim a new resource that someone does not use would have to be considered invasive of the property right of whoever the first user will turn out to be". Rothbard argues that the resource need not continue to be used in order for it to be the person's property as "for once his labor is mixed with the natural resource, it remains his owned land. His labor has been irretrievably mixed with the land, and the land is therefore his or his assigns' in perpetuity".[41]:170 As a practical matter, anarcho-capitalists recognize that in terms of the ownership of land there are few, if any, parcels of land left on Earth whose ownership was not at some point in time obtained in violation of the homestead principle, through "seizure by the state or put in private hands with the assistance of the state". Rothbard writes:

It is not enough to call simply for defense of "the rights of private property"; there must be an adequate theory of justice in property rights, else any property that some State once decreed to be "private" must now be defended by libertarians, no matter how unjust the procedure or how mischievous its consequences.[31]

In Justice and Property Right, Rothbard writes that "any identifiable owner (the original victim of theft or his heir) must be accorded his property". In the case of slavery, Rothbard says that in many cases "the old plantations and the heirs and descendants of the former slaves can be identified, and the reparations can become highly specific indeed". He believes slaves rightfully own any land they were forced to work on under the "homestead principle". If property is held by the state, Rothbard advocates its confiscation and "return to the private sector", writing that "any property in the hands of the State is in the hands of thieves, and should be liberated as quickly as possible". For example, he proposes that state universities be seized by the students and faculty under the homestead principle. Rothbard also supports expropriation of nominally "private property" if it is the result of state-initiated force, such as businesses who receive grants and subsidies. He proposes that businesses who receive at least 50% of their funding from the state be confiscated by the workers, writing: "What we libertarians object to, then, is not government per se but crime, what we object to is unjust or criminal property titles; what we are for is not 'private' property per se but just, innocent, non-criminal private property". Likewise, Karl Hess says that "libertarianism wants to advance principles of property but that it in no way wishes to defend, willy nilly, all property which now is called private [...] Much of that property is stolen. Much is of dubious title. All of it is deeply intertwined with an immoral, coercive state system".[42] By accepting an axiomatic definition of private property and property rights, anarcho-capitalists deny the legitimacy of a state on principle:

For, apart from ruling out as unjustified all activities such as murder, homicide, rape, trespass, robbery, burglary, theft, and fraud, the ethics of private property is also incompatible with the existence of a state defined as an agency that possesses a compulsory territorial monopoly of ultimate decision-making (jurisdiction) and/or the right to tax.[39]

Common property[edit]
While private property is the dominant ownership mechanism within an anarcho-capitalist society, there exist cases where common property may develop in a Lockean natural rights framework. For example, a number of private businesses may arise in an area, each owning the land and buildings that they use, but the paths between them become cleared and trodden incrementally through customer and commercial movement. These thoroughfares may become valuable to the community, but ownership cannot be attributed to any single person because many contributed the labor necessary to create them. Questions then arise as to further developing and maintaining this common property so that it doesn't fall to the tragedy of the commons. The anarcho-capitalist solution would then be to transition from common to private property - an individual would make a homesteading claim based on disuse, acquire title by assent of the community consensus, form a corporation with other involved parties, or other means.[12]
Some vast areas (though not the scarce resources they contain), such as the air, rivers, oceans, the Moon, and orbital paths, are largely unownable by individuals and so might be considered as property common to all. This presents challenges to consider, such as whether an individual might claim fishing rights in the area of a major shipping lane and thereby forbid passage through it.[12]
In contrast, Hoppe's work on anarcho-capitalist theory is based on the assumption that all property is privately-held, "including all streets, rivers, airports, and harbors", which forms the foundation of his views on immigration.[12]

Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) coined the word anarcho-capitalism
Contractual society[edit]

A postage stamp celebrating the thousandth anniversary of the Icelandic parliament—according to a theory associated with the economist David D. Friedman, medieval Icelandic society had some features of anarcho-capitalism; chieftaincies could be bought and sold and were not geographical monopolies; and individuals could voluntarily choose membership in any chieftain's clan
The society envisioned by anarcho-capitalists has been called the "contractual society", which Rothbard described as "a society based purely on voluntary action, entirely unhampered by violence or threats of violence"[41]:84 The system relies on contracts between individuals as the legal framework which would be enforced by private police and security forces, and private arbitrations.[43][44][45] Benjamin Tucker accepted the use of violence as means of enforcing them.[44]
Rothbard argues that corporations would exist in a free society as they are "simply the pooling of capital". He says limited liability for corporations could also exist through contract: "Corporations are not at all monopolistic privileges; they are free associations of individuals pooling their capital. On the purely free market, such men would simply announce to their creditors that their liability is limited to the capital specifically invested in the corporation".[25]:1144 However, corporations created in this way would not be able to replicate the limit on liabilities arising non-contractually, such as liability in tort for environmental disasters or personal injury, which corporations currently enjoy. Rothbard himself acknowledges that "limited liability for torts is the illegitimate conferring of a special privilege".[25]:1144
There are limits to the right to contract under some interpretations of anarcho-capitalism. Rothbard himself argues that the right to contract is based in inalienable human rights[35] and therefore any contract that implicitly violates those rights can be voided at will and which would, for instance, prevent a person from permanently selling himself or herself into unindentured slavery; however Rothbard justifies the practice of child selling.[46][47] Other interpretations conclude that banning such contracts would in itself be an unacceptably invasive interference in the right to contract.[48][full citation needed]
Included in the right of contract is "the right to contract oneself out for employment by others". While anarchists criticize wage labour describing it as wage slavery, anarcho-capitalists view it as a consensual contract.[3][49][50] Some anarcho-capitalists prefer to see self-employment prevail over wage labor. For example, David D. Friedman has expressed preference for a society where "almost everyone is self-employed" and "instead of corporations there are large groups of entrepreneurs related by trade, not authority. Each sells not his time, but what his time produces".[49]
Law and order and the use of violence[edit]
Different anarcho-capitalists propose different forms of anarcho-capitalism and one area of disagreement is in the area of law. In The Market for Liberty, Morris and Linda Tannehill object to any statutory law whatsoever. They argue that all one has to do is ask if one is aggressing against another (see tort) in order to decide if an act is right or wrong.[51] However, while also supporting a natural prohibition on force and fraud, Rothbard supports the establishment of a mutually agreed-upon centralized libertarian legal code which private courts would pledge to follow, as he presumes a high degree of convergence amongst individuals about what constitutes natural justice.[52]
Unlike both the Tannehills and Rothbard who see an ideological commonality of ethics and morality as a requirement, David D. Friedman proposes that "the systems of law will be produced for profit on the open market, just as books and bras are produced today. There could be competition among different brands of law, just as there is competition among different brands of cars".[53] Friedman says whether this would lead to a libertarian society "remains to be proven". He says it is a possibility that very unlibertarian laws may result, such as laws against drugs, but he thinks this would be rare. He reasons that "if the value of a law to its supporters is less than its cost to its victims, that law [...] will not survive in an anarcho-capitalist society".[54]
Anarcho-capitalists only accept collective defense of individual liberty (i.e. courts, military or police forces) insofar as such groups are formed and paid for on an explicitly voluntary basis. However, their complaint is not just that the state's defensive services are funded by taxation, but that the state assumes it is the only legitimate practitioner of physical force—that is, they believe it forcibly prevents the private sector from providing comprehensive security, such as a police, judicial and prison systems to protect individuals from aggressors. Anarcho-capitalists believe that there is nothing morally superior about the state which would grant it, but not private individuals, a right to use physical force to restrain aggressors. If competition in security provision were allowed to exist, prices would also be lower and services would be better according to anarcho-capitalists. According to Molinari: "Under a regime of liberty, the natural organization of the security industry would not be different from that of other industries".[55] Proponents point out that private systems of justice and defense already exist, naturally forming where the market is allowed to "compensate for the failure of the state"[citation needed]: private arbitration, security guards, neighborhood watch groups and so on.[56][57][58][59] These private courts and police are sometimes referred to generically as private defense agencies (PDAs).
The defense of those unable to pay for such protection might be financed by charitable organizations relying on voluntary donation rather than by state institutions relying on taxation, or by cooperative self-help by groups of individuals.[60]
Edward Stringham argues that private adjudication of disputes could enable the market to internalize externalities and provide services that customers desire.[61][62]

Murray Rothbard admired the American Revolutionary War and believed it is the only United States war that can be justified
Like classical liberalism and unlike anarcho-pacifism, anarcho-capitalism permits the use of force as long as it is in the defense of persons or property. The permissible extent of this defensive use of force is an arguable point among anarcho-capitalists. Retributive justice, meaning retaliatory force, is often a component of the contracts imagined for an anarcho-capitalist society. Some believe prisons or indentured servitude would be justifiable institutions to deal with those who violate anarcho-capitalist property relations while others believe exile or forced restitution are sufficient.[63]
Bruce L. Benson argues that legal codes may impose punitive damages for intentional torts in the interest of deterring crime. For instance, a thief who breaks into a house by picking a lock and is caught before taking anything would still owe the victim for violating the sanctity of his property rights. Benson opines that despite the lack of objectively measurable losses in such cases, "standardized rules that are generally perceived to be fair by members of the community would, in all likelihood, be established through precedent, allowing judgments to specify payments that are reasonably appropriate for most criminal offenses".[64] The Tannehills raise a similar example, noting that a bank robber who had an attack of conscience and returned the money would still owe reparations for endangering the employees' and customers' lives and safety, in addition to the costs of the defense agency answering the teller's call for help. However, the robber's loss of reputation would be even more damaging. Specialized companies would list aggressors so that anyone wishing to do business with a man could first check his record. The bank robber would find insurance companies listing him as a very poor risk and other firms would be reluctant to enter into contracts with him.[65]
In the context of revolution, Rothbard states that the American Revolutionary War was the only war involving the United States that could be justified.[66] Some anarcho-capitalists, such as Samuel Edward Konkin III, feel that violent revolution is counter-productive and prefer voluntary forms of economic secession to the extent possible.[67]
Anarcho-capitalist Matthew O'Keeffe proposes a form of a restitution system of justice in which the right to restitution created by the violation of the victims' property could be homesteaded by bounty hunters that would bring criminals to justice, thus creating the incentive for people to work defending the rights of victims that otherwise would not be able to pay for the service.[68][full citation needed][non-primary source needed]
Branches[edit]
The two principal moral approaches to anarcho-capitalism differ in regard to whether anarcho-capitalist society is justified on deontological or consequentialist ethics, or both. Natural-law anarcho-capitalism (as advocated by Rothbard) holds that a universal system of rights can be derived from natural law. Some other anarcho-capitalists do not rely upon the idea of natural rights, but instead present economic justifications for a free-market capitalist society. Such a latter approach has been offered by David D. Friedman in The Machinery of Freedom.[69] Unlike other anarcho-capitalists, most notably Rothbard, Friedman has never tried to deny the theoretical cogency of the neoclassical literature on "market failure", but openly applies the theory to both market and government institutions (see government failure) to compare the net result, nor has he been inclined to attack economic efficiency as a normative benchmark.[59]
Kosanke sees such a debate as irrelevant since in the absence of statutory law the non-aggression principle is naturally enforced because individuals are automatically held accountable for their actions via tort and contract law. Communities of sovereign individuals naturally expel aggressors in the same way that ethical business practices are naturally required among competing businesses that are subject to the discipline of the marketplace. For him, the only thing that needs to be debated is the nature of the contractual mechanism that abolishes the state, or prevents it from coming into existence where new communities form.[23]
Anarchism and anarcho-capitalism[edit]
See also: Anarchism and capitalism

The black and gold flag, symbol of anarchism (black) and capitalism (gold), was first flown in 1963 in Colorado[70] and is also used by the Swedish AnarkoKapitalistisk Front[71]
In both its social and individualist forms, anarchism is usually considered a radical left-wing and anti-capitalist ideology that promotes socialist economic theories such as collectivism, communism, syndicalism and mutualism.[72][73] Anarchists believe capitalism is incompatible with social and economic equality and therefore do not recognize anarcho-capitalism as an anarchist school of thought.[74][75][76][77] In particular, they argue that capitalist transactions are not voluntary and that maintaining the class structure of a capitalist society requires coercion, which is incompatible with an anarchist society.[69]
Rothbard maintains that anarcho-capitalism is the only true form of anarchism—the only form of anarchism that could possibly exist in reality as he argues that any other form presupposes an authoritarian enforcement of political ideology, such as "redistribution of private property".[78] According to this argument, the free market is simply the natural situation that would result from people being free from authority and entails the establishment of all voluntary associations in society, such as cooperatives, non-profit organizations, businesses and so on. Moreover, anarcho-capitalists as well as classical liberal minarchists argue that the application of anarchist ideals as advocated by what they term left-wing anarchists would require an authoritarian body of some sort to impose it. Based on their understanding of anarchism, in order to forcefully prevent people from accumulating capital, which they believe is a goal of those anarchists, there would necessarily be a redistributive organization of some sort which would have the authority to in essence exact a tax and re-allocate the resulting resources to a larger group of people. They conclude that this body would inherently have political power and would be nothing short of a state. The difference between such an arrangement and an anarcho-capitalist system is what anarcho-capitalists see as the voluntary nature of organization within anarcho-capitalism contrasted with a centralized ideology and a paired enforcement mechanism which they believe would be necessary under a "coercively" egalitarian-anarchist system.[69]
Albert Meltzer says that anarcho-capitalism simply cannot be anarchism because capitalism and the state are inextricably interlinked and because capitalism exhibits domineering hierarchical structures such as that between an employer and an employee.[79] Anna Morgenstern approaches this topic from the opposite perspective, saying that anarcho-capitalists are not really capitalists, because without the state, "mass ... concentration of capital is impossible."[80]
History[edit]
Classical liberalism[edit]
Main article: Classical liberalism
Gustave de Molinari argued in his essay The Production of Security: "No government should have the right to prevent another government from going into competition with it, or to require consumers of security to come exclusively to it for this commodity". Molinari and this new type of anti-state liberal grounded their reasoning on liberal ideals and classical economics. Historian and libertarian Ralph Raico argues that what these liberal philosophers "had come up with was a form of individualist anarchism, or, as it would be called today, anarcho-capitalism or market anarchism".[81] Unlike the liberalism of Locke, which saw the state as evolving from society, the anti-state liberals saw a fundamental conflict between the voluntary interactions of people, i.e. society; and the institutions of force, i.e. the state. This society vs. state idea was expressed in various ways: natural society vs. artificial society, liberty vs. authority, society of contract vs. society of authority and industrial society vs. militant society, just to name a few.[55] The anti-state liberal tradition in Europe and the United States continued after Molinari in the early writings of Herbert Spencer as well as in thinkers such as Paul Émile de Puydt and Auberon Herbert.
19th-century individualist anarchism in the United States[edit]
Main article: Individualist anarchism in the United States

American individualist anarchists like Lysander Spooner (1808–1887) influenced anarcho-capitalism
Rothbard was influenced by the work of the 19th-century American individualist anarchists[82]. In the winter of 1949, influenced by several 19th century individualists anarchists, Rothbard decided to reject minimal state laissez-faire and embrace individualist anarchism.[83] In 1965, he said: "Lysander Spooner and Benjamin R. Tucker were unsurpassed as political philosophers and nothing is more needed today than a revival and development of the largely forgotten legacy they left to political philosophy".[84] He thought they had a faulty understanding of economics as the 19th century individualists had a labor theory of value as influenced by the classical economists and Rothbard was a student of Austrian economics which does not agree with the labor theory of value. He sought to meld 19th-century American individualists' advocacy of free markets and private defense with the principles of Austrian economics: "There is, in the body of thought known as 'Austrian economics', a scientific explanation of the workings of the free market (and of the consequences of government intervention in that market) which individualist anarchists could easily incorporate into their political and social Weltanschauung".[85][non-primary source needed] He held that the economic consequences of the political system they advocate would not result in an economy with people being paid in proportion to labor amounts, nor would profit and interest disappear as they expected. Tucker thought that unregulated banking and money issuance would cause increases in the money supply so that interest rates would drop to zero or near to it.
Rothbard disagreed with this as he explains in The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View.[86] He says that first of all Tucker was wrong to think that that would cause the money supply to increase because he says that the money supply in a free market would be self-regulating. If it were not, then inflation would occur so it is not necessarily desirable to increase the money supply in the first place.[86] Secondly, he says that Tucker is wrong to think that interest would disappear regardless because people in general do not wish to lend their money to others without compensation so there is no reason why this would change just because banking was unregulated.[86] Tucker held a labor theory of value and as a result he thought that in a free market people would be paid in proportion to how much labor they exerted and that if they were not then exploitation or "usury" was taking place. As he explains in State Socialism and Anarchism, his theory was that unregulated banking would cause more money to be available and that this would allow proliferation of new businesses, which would in turn raise demand for labor.[full citation needed] This led him to believe that the labor theory of value would be vindicated and equal amounts of labor would receive equal pay. As an Austrian economist, Rothbard did not agree with the labor theory and believed that prices of goods and services are proportional to marginal utility rather than to labor amounts in the free market. He did not think that there was anything exploitative about people receiving an income according to how much buyers of their services value their labor or what that labor produces.[86]
Of particular importance to anarcho-capitalists and Tucker and Spooner are the ideas of "sovereignty of the individual", a market economy and the opposition to collectivism. A defining point upon which they agree is that defense of liberty and property should be provided in the free market rather than by the state.[citation needed] Tucker said: "[D]efense is a service like any other service; that it is labor both useful and desired, and therefore an economic commodity subject to the law of supply and demand; that in a free market this commodity would be furnished at the cost of production; that, competition prevailing, patronage would go to those who furnished the best article at the lowest price; that the production and sale of this commodity are now monopolized by the State; and that the State, like almost all monopolists, charges exorbitant prices".[87]
Historical precedents[edit]
Several libertarians have discussed historical precedents of what they believe were examples of anarcho-capitalism.
Free cities of medieval Europe[edit]
Economist and libertarian scholar Bryan Caplan cites the free cities of medieval Europe as important examples of anarchist or nearly anarchistic societies:[88]

One case that has inspired both sorts of anarchists is that of the free cities of medieval Europe. The first weak link in the chain of feudalism, these free cities became Europe's centers of economic development, trade, art, and culture. They provided a haven for runaway serfs, who could often legally gain their freedom if they avoided re-capture for a year and a day. And they offer many examples of how people can form mutual-aid associations for protection, insurance, and community. Of course, left-anarchists and anarcho-capitalists take a somewhat different perspective on the free cities: the former emphasize the communitarian and egalitarian concerns of the free cities, while the latter point to the relatively unregulated nature of their markets and the wide range of services (often including defense, security, and legal services) which were provided privately or semi-privately.

Medieval Iceland[edit]

19th century interpretation of the Althing in the Icelandic Commonwealth, which authors such as David D. Friedman and Roderick Long believe to have some features of anarcho-capitalist society
According to the libertarian theorist David D. Friedman: "Medieval Icelandic institutions have several peculiar and interesting characteristics; they might almost have been invented by a mad economist to test the lengths to which market systems could supplant government in its most fundamental functions".[89] While not directly labeling it anarcho-capitalist, he argues that the legal system of the Icelandic Commonwealth comes close to being a real-world anarcho-capitalist legal system[90] because while there was a single legal system, enforcement of law was entirely private and highly capitalist; and so it provides some evidence of how such a society would function. "Even where the Icelandic legal system recognized an essentially 'public' offense, it dealt with it by giving some individual (in some cases chosen by lot from those affected) the right to pursue the case and collect the resulting fine, thus fitting it into an essentially private system".[89] Commenting on its political structure, libertarian scholar Roderick Long says:[91]

The legal system's administration, insofar as it had one, lay in the hands of a parliament of about 40 officers whom historians call, however inadequately, "chieftains". This parliament had no budget and no employees; it met only two weeks per year. In addition to their parliamentary role, chieftains were empowered in their own local districts to appoint judges and to keep the peace; this latter job was handled on an essentially fee-for-service basis. The enforcement of judicial decisions was largely a matter of self-help (hence Iceland's reputation as a land of constant private feuding), but those who lacked the might to enforce their rights could sell their court-decreed claims for compensation to someone more powerful, usually a chieftain; hence even the poor and friendless could not be victimized with impunity. The basis of a chieftain's power within the political order was the power he already possessed outside it, in civil society. The office of chieftaincy was private property, and could be bought or sold; hence chieftaincies tended to track private wealth. But wealth alone was not enough. As economic historian Birgir Solvason notes in his masterful study of the period, "just buying the chieftainship was no guarantee of power"; the mere office by itself was "almost worthless" unless the chieftain could "convince some free-farmers to follow him". Chieftains did not hold authority over territorially-defined districts, but competed for clients with other chieftains from the same geographical area.

Long suggests that the system of free contract between farmers and chieftains was threatened when harassment from Norwegian kings that began around AD 1000 forced the people of Iceland to accept Christianity as the national religion, which paved the way for the introduction of a compulsory tax in AD 1096 which was to be paid to the local chieftain who owned a churchstead. This, he believes, gave an unfair advantage to some chieftains who at least in part did not need to rely upon the voluntary support of their clients in order to receive some income. This gradually lead to the concentration of power in the hands of a few big chieftains, enabling them to restrict competition and eventually establish effective monopolies. Although the Commonwealth was politically stable for over three centuries, Long suggests that the downfall of the Icelandic system was brought about "not through having too much privatization, but through having too little".[91] He says:

[T]he Free State failed, not through having too much privatization, but through having too little. The tithe, and particularly the portion allotted to churchstead maintenance, represented a monopolistic, non-competitive element in the system. The introduction of the tithe was in turn made possible by yet another non-competitive element: the establishment of an official state church which everyone was legally bound to support. Finally, buying up chieftaincies would have availed little if there had been free entry into the chieftaincy profession; instead, the number of chieftains was set by law, and the creation of new chieftaincies could be approved only by parliament – i.e., by the existing chieftains, who were naturally less than eager to encourage competitors. It is precisely those respects in which the Free State was least privatized and decentralized that led to its downfall – while its more privatized aspects delayed that downfall for three centuries.

American Old West[edit]
According to the research of Terry L. Anderson and P. J. Hill, the Old West in the United States in the period of 1830 to 1900 was similar to anarcho-capitalism in that "private agencies provided the necessary basis for an orderly society in which property was protected and conflicts were resolved" and that the common popular perception that the Old West was chaotic with little respect for property rights is incorrect.[92] Since squatters had no claim to western lands under federal law, extra-legal organizations formed to fill the void. Benson explains:[93]

The land clubs and claim associations each adopted their own written contract setting out the laws that provided the means for defining and protecting property rights in the land. They established procedures for registration of land claims, as well as for protection of those claims against outsiders, and for adjudication of internal disputes that arose. The reciprocal arrangements for protection would be maintained only if a member complied with the association's rules and its court's rulings. Anyone who refused would be ostracized. Boycott by a land club meant that an individual had no protection against aggression other than what he could provide himself.

According to Anderson, "[d]efining anarcho-capitalist to mean minimal government with property rights developed from the bottom up, the western frontier was anarcho-capitalistic. People on the frontier invented institutions that fit the resource constraints they faced".[94]
Gaelic Ireland[edit]
In his work For a New Liberty, Murray Rothbard has claimed ancient Gaelic Ireland as an example of nearly anarcho-capitalist society.[95] In his depiction, citing the work of Professor Joseph Peden,[96] the basic political unit of ancient Ireland was the tuath, which is portrayed as "a body of persons voluntarily united for socially beneficial purposes" with its territorial claim being limited to "the sum total of the landed properties of its members". Civil disputes were settled by private arbiters called "brehons" and the compensation to be paid to the wronged party was insured through voluntary surety relationships. Commenting on the "kings" of tuaths, Rothbard states:

The king was elected by the tuath from within a royal kin-group (the derbfine), which carried the hereditary priestly function. Politically, however, the king had strictly limited functions: he was the military leader of the tuath, and he presided over the tuath assemblies. But he could only conduct war or peace negotiations as agent of the assemblies; and he was in no sense sovereign and had no rights of administering justice over tuath members. He could not legislate, and when he himself was party to a lawsuit, he had to submit his case to an independent judicial arbiter.[95]

Law merchant, admiralty law and early common law[edit]
Some libertarian historians[97][98][failed verification][99] have cited law merchant, admiralty law and early common law as examples of anarcho-capitalism. In his work Power and Market, Rothbard states:[25]:1051

The law merchant, admiralty law, and much of the common law began to be developed by privately competitive judges, who were sought out by litigants for their expertise in understanding the legal areas involved. The fairs of Champagne and the great marts of international trade in the Middle Ages enjoyed freely competitive courts, and people could patronize those that they deemed most accurate and efficient.

Somalia from 1991 to 2006[edit]
Main article: History of Somalia (1991–2006)
Economist Alex Tabarrok claimed that Somalia in its stateless period provided a "unique test of the theory of anarchy", in some aspects near of that espoused by anarcho-capitalists David D. Friedman and Murray Rothbard.[100] Nonetheless, many anarcho-capitalists argue that Somalia was not an anarchist society.[101][102]
Criticism[edit]
State, justice and defense[edit]
Many anarchists like Brian Morris argue that anarcho-capitalism does not in fact get rid of the state. He says that anarcho-capitalists "simply replaced the state with private security firms, and can hardly be described as anarchists as the term is normally understood".[103] As anarchist Peter Sabatini notes:

Within

Libertarianism, Rothbard represents a minority perspective that actually argues for the total elimination of the state. However Rothbard's claim as an anarchist is quickly voided when it is shown that he only wants an end to the public state. In its place he allows countless private states, with each person supplying their own police force, army, and law, or else purchasing these services from capitalist vendors ... Rothbard sees nothing at all wrong with the amassing of wealth, therefore those with more capital will inevitably have greater coercive force at their disposal, just as they do now.
— Peter Sabatini, "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy"[104]​

Similarly, Bob Black argues that an anarcho-capitalist wants to "abolish the state to his own satisfaction by calling it something else". He states that they do not denounce what the state does, they just "object to who's doing it".[105] It has also been argued that anarcho-capitalism dissolves into city states.[106]
Some critics argue that anarcho-capitalism turns justice into a commodity as private defense and court firms would favour those who pay more for their services.[107] Randall G. Holcombe argues that defense agencies could form cartels and oppress people without fear of competition.[107] Philosopher Albert Meltzer argued that since anarcho-capitalism promotes the idea of private armies, it actually supports a "limited State". He contends that it "is only possible to conceive of Anarchism which is free, communistic and offering no economic necessity for repression of countering it".[108]
Robert Nozick argues that a competitive legal system would evolve toward a monopoly government—even without violating individuals rights in the process.[109] In Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Nozick argues that an anarcho-capitalist society would inevitably transform into a minarchist state through the eventual emergence of a monopolistic private defense and judicial agency that no longer faces competition. He argues that anarcho-capitalism results in an unstable system that would not endure in the real world. While anarcho-capitalists such as Roy Childs and Murray Rothbard have rejected Nozick's arguments,[110] John Jefferson actually advocates Nozick's argument and states that such events would best operate in laissez-faire.[111] Paul Birch argues that legal disputes involving several jurisdictions and different legal systems will be too complex and costly, therefore the largest private protection business in a territory will develop into a natural monopoly.[106] Robert Ellickson states that anarcho-capitalists "by imagining a stable system of competing private associations, ignore both the inevitability of territorial monopolists in governance, and the importance of institutions to constrain those monopolists' abuses".[112]
Rights and freedom[edit]
Negative and positive rights are rights that oblige either action (positive rights) or inaction (negative rights). Anarcho-capitalists believe that negative rights should be recognized as legitimate, but positive rights should be rejected as an intrusion. Some critics reject the distinction between positive and negative rights.[113] Peter Marshall also states that the anarcho-capitalist definition of freedom is entirely negative and that it cannot guarantee the positive freedom of individual autonomy and independence.[74]
About anarcho-capitalism, Noam Chomsky says:

Anarcho-capitalism, in my opinion, is a doctrinal system which, if ever implemented, would lead to forms of tyranny and oppression that have few counterparts in human history. There isn't the slightest possibility that its (in my view, horrendous) ideas would be implemented, because they would quickly destroy any society that made this colossal error. The idea of "free contract" between the potentate and his starving subject is a sick joke, perhaps worth some moments in an academic seminar exploring the consequences of (in my view, absurd) ideas, but nowhere else.
— Noam Chomsky, "On Anarchism"[114]

Economics and property[edit]
Most anarchists argue that certain capitalist transactions are not voluntary and that maintaining the class structure of a capitalist society requires coercion, which violates anarchist principles.[115][116][117][118] David Graeber noted his skepticism about anarcho-capitalism along the same lines:

To be honest I'm pretty skeptical about the idea of anarcho-capitalism. If a-caps imagine a world divided into property-holding employers and property-less wage laborers, but with no systematic coercive mechanisms [...] well, I just can't see how it would work. You always see a-caps saying "if I want to hire someone to pick my tomatoes, how are you going to stop me without using coercion?" Notice how you never see anyone say "if I want to hire myself out to pick someone else's tomatoes, how are you going to stop me?" Historically nobody ever did wage labor like that if they had pretty much ANY other option.[119][120]

Some critics argue that the anarcho-capitalist concept of voluntary choice ignores constraints due to both human and non-human factors, such as the need for food and shelter, and active restriction of both used and unused resources by those enforcing property claims.[121] For instance, if a person requires employment in order to feed and house himself, the employer–employee relationship could be considered involuntary. Another criticism is that employment is involuntary because the economic system that makes it necessary for some individuals to serve others is supported by the enforcement of coercive private property relations.
Some philosophies view any ownership claims on land and natural resources as immoral and illegitimate.[122]
Objectivist philosopher Harry Binswanger critisizes anarcho-capitalism arguing that "capitalism requires government", questioning who or what would enforce treaties and contracts.[123]
Some right libertarian critics of anarcho-capitalism who support the full privatization of capital, such as geolibertarians, argue that land and the raw materials of nature remain a distinct factor of production and cannot be justly converted to private property because they are not products of human labor. Some socialists, including other market anarchists such as mutualists, adamantly oppose absentee ownership. Anarcho-capitalists have strong abandonment criteria – one maintains ownership (more or less) until one agrees to trade or gift it. Anti-state critics of this view tend to have comparatively weak abandonment criteria; for example, one loses ownership (more or less) when one stops personally occupying and using it. Furthermore, the idea of perpetually binding original appropriation is anathema to socialism and traditional schools of anarchism as well as to any moral or economic philosophy that takes equal natural rights to land and the Earth's resources as a premise.[106]
Literature[edit]
Nonfiction[edit]

This section may contain indiscriminate, excessive, or irrelevant examples. Please improve the article by adding more descriptive text and removing less pertinent examples. See Wikipedia's guide to writing better articles for further suggestions. (April 2020)

The following is a partial list of notable nonfiction works discussing anarcho-capitalism.

• Murray Rothbard, founder of anarcho-capitalism:
  • Man, Economy, and State
  • Power and Market
  • The Ethics of Liberty
  • For a New Liberty
• David D. Friedman, The Machinery of Freedom
• Michael Huemer, The Problem of Political Authority
• Linda and Morris Tannehill, The Market for Liberty
• Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Anarcho-Capitalism: An Annotated Bibliography
  • The Economics and Ethics of Private Property
  • A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism
  • Democracy: The God That Failed
• Bruce L. Benson, The Enterprise of Law: Justice Without The State[citation needed]
  • To Serve and Protect: Privatization and Community in Criminal Justice
• Auberon Herbert, The Right and Wrong of Compulsion by the State
• Albert Jay Nock, Our Enemy, the State, Franz Oppenheimer's thesis applied to early United States history
• Herbert Spencer, Social Statics
• George H. Smith, "Justice Entrepreneurship in a Free Market"
• Edward P. Stringham, Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice

Fiction[edit]
Anarcho-capitalism has been examined in and influenced by certain works of literature, particularly science fiction. One of the earliest and influential works is Robert A. Heinlein's 1966 novel The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress in which a penal colony on the Moon revolts against the rule of Earth, creating a society based on what the author terms "rational anarchism". [124]
Sharper Security: A Sovereign Security Company Novel, part of a series by Thomas Sewell, is "set a couple of decades into the near-future with a liberty view of society based on individual choice and free market economics"[125] and features a society where individuals hire a security company to protect and insure them from crime. The security companies are sovereign, but customers are free to switch between them. They behave as a combination of insurance/underwriting and para-military police forces. Anarcho-capitalist themes abound, including an exploration of not honoring sovereign immunity, privately owned road systems, a laissez-faire market and competing currencies.
Sandy Sandfort's, Scott Bieser's and Lee Oaks's Webcomic Escape from Terra examines a market anarchy based on Ceres and its interaction with the aggressive statist society Terra.[126]
See also[edit]

• Agorism
• Anarchism and capitalism
• Anarcho-capitalism and minarchism
• Counter-economics
• Creative disruption
• Crypto-anarchism
• Definition of anarchism and libertarianism
• Individualist anarchism
• Issues in anarchism
• The Libertarian Forum
• Left-wing market anarchism
• Neocameralism
• Privatization in criminal justice
• Propertarianism
• Stateless society
• Voluntaryism

References[edit]

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57. ^ Stringham, Edward (Winter 1998–1999). "Market Chosen Law". Journal of Libertarian Studies. 14 (1): 53–77. SSRN 1676257.
58. ^ Stringham, Edward; Zywicki, Todd (5 November 2005). "Rivalry and Superior Dispatch: An Analysis of Competing Courts in Medieval and Early Modern England". George Mason Law & Economics Research Paper. 10 (57). doi:10.2139/ssrn.1703598. SSRN 1703598.
59. ^ Jump up to:a b Friedman, David D. (1973) The Machinery of Freedom: Guide to a Radical Capitalism Harper & Row ISBN 978-0-06-091010-5 ch29 Archived 31 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine
60. ^ Rothbard, Murray N. (1973) For a new Liberty Collier Books, A Division of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., New York: p. 223. Retrieved 5 August 2006.
61. ^ Stringham, Edward (2015). Private Governance. Oxford University Press.
62. ^ Caplan, Bryan; Stringham, Edward (2008). "Privatizing the Adjudication of Disputes". Theoretical Inquiries in Law. 9 (2): 503–28. doi:10.2202/1565-3404.1195. SSRN 1674441.
63. ^ O'Keeffe, Matthew (1989) "Retribution versus Restitution" Legal Notes No. 5, Libertarian Alliance ISBN 978-1-870614-22-1 Retrieved 19 May 2005
64. ^ Benson, Bruce (1998). To Serve and Protect: Privatization and Community in Criminal Justice. NYU Press. pp. 235–38. ISBN 978-0-8147-1327-3.
65. ^ Tannehill, Linda and Morris (1993). The Market for Liberty (PDF). San Francisco: Fox & Wilkes. pp. 105–06. ISBN 978-0-930073-08-4. Retrieved 30 June 2011.
66. ^ Rothbard, Murray N. (1973) Interview Reason February 1973. Retrieved 10 August 2005.
67. ^ Rothbard, Murray (1981). "Konkin on Libertarian Strategy" (PDF). Strategy of the New Libertarian Alliance.
68. ^ [1]
69. ^ Jump up to:a b c Tame, Chris R. October 1983. The Chicago School: Lessons from the Thirties for the Eighties. Economic Affairs. p. 56
70. ^ Rothbard, Murray N., The Betrayal of the American Right (2007): 188
71. ^ "Flags of political parties (Sweden)". FOTW Flags Of The World website. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
72. ^ Brooks, Frank H. (1994). The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881–1908). Transaction Publishers. p. xi. ISBN 1-56000-132-1. Usually considered to be an extreme left-wing ideology, anarchism has always included a significant strain of radical individualism, from the hyperrationalism of Godwin, to the egoism of Stirner, to the libertarians and anarcho-capitalists of today
73. ^ Joseph Kahn (2000). "Anarchism, the Creed That Won't Stay Dead; The Spread of World Capitalism Resurrects a Long-Dormant Movement". The New York Times (5 August).Colin Moynihan (2007). "Book Fair Unites Anarchists. In Spirit, Anyway". New York Times (16 April).
74. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "In fact, few anarchists would accept the 'anarcho-capitalists' into the anarchist camp since they do not share a concern for economic equality and social justice, Their self-interested, calculating market men would be incapable of practicing voluntary co-operation and mutual aid. Anarcho-capitalists, even if they do reject the State, might therefore best be called right-wing libertarians rather than anarchists."
75. ^ Newman, Saul (2010). The Politics of Postanarchism. Edinburgh University Press. p. 43. "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism)." ISBN 0748634959
76. ^ McKay, Iain (2008). "Section F – Is 'anarcho'-capitalism a type of anarchism?" An Anarchist FAQ: Volume 1. Oakland/Edinburgh: AK Press. ISBN 978-1902593906
77. ^ Goodway, David (2006). Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow: Left-Libertarian Thought and British Writers from William Morris to Colin Ward. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. p. 4. "'Libertarian' and 'libertarianism' are frequently employed by anarchists as synonyms for 'anarchist' and 'anarchism', largely as an attempt to distance themselves from the negative connotations of 'anarchy' and its derivatives. The situation has been vastly complicated in recent decades with the rise of anarcho-capitalism, 'minimal statism' and an extreme right-wing laissez-faire philosophy advocated by such theorists as Rothbard and Nozick and their adoption of the words 'libertarian' and 'libertarianism'. It has therefore now become necessary to distinguish between their right libertarianism and the left libertarianism of the anarchist tradition."
78. ^ Rothbard, Murray N (25 February 1972). Exclusive Interview With Murray Rothbard. The New Banner: A Fortnightly Libertarian Journal.
79. ^ Gerard Casey (2018). Freedom's Progress?. Andrews UK Limited. p. 670. ISBN 1845409426.
80. ^ Jun, Nathan J. (2017). Brill's Companion to Anarchism and Philosophy. Brill. p. 293. ISBN 978-9004356887.
81. ^ Raico, Ralph (2004) Authentic German Liberalism of the 19th century Ecole Polytechnique, Centre de Recherce en Epistemologie Appliquee Archived 10 June 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Unité associée au CNRS
82. ^ "[...] only a few individuals like Murray Rothbard, in Power and Market, and some article writers were influenced by these men. Most had not evolved consciously from this tradition; they had been a rather automatic product of the American environment." DeLeon, David. The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978, p. 127
83. ^ Gordon, David. The Essential Rothbard. Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2007. pp. 12–13.
84. ^ "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View." A Way Out. May–June 1965. Later republished in Egalitarianism As A Revolt Against Nature by Rothbard, 1974. Later published in Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2000. The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View
85. ^ "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View, Journal of Libertarian Studies, vol. 20, no. 1, p. 7 (1965, 2000)
86. ^ Jump up to:a b c d "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View". Mises.org.
87. ^ Tucker, Benjamin. "Instead of a Book" (1893)
88. ^ "Anarchist Theory FAQ Version 5.2". econfaculty.gmu.edu.
89. ^ Jump up to:a b Friedman, David D. (1979). "Private Creation and Enforcement of Law: A Historical Case". Retrieved 12 August 2005.
90. ^ Friedman, David D (28 February 2015). "Private Law Enforcement, Medieval Iceland, and Libertarianism". The Machinery of Freedom (3rd ed.). pp. 203–204. ISBN 978-1507785607.
91. ^ Jump up to:a b Long, Roderick T. (6 June 2002). "Privatization, Viking Style: Model or Misfortune? (The Vikings Were Libertarians)". LewRockwell.com. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
92. ^ Anderson, Terry L. and Hill, P. J. "An American Experiment in Anarcho-Capitalism: The Not So Wild, Wild West", The Journal of Libertarian Studies
93. ^ Benson, Bruce L. (1998). "Private Justice in America". To Serve and Protect: Privatization and Community in Criminal Justice. New York: New York University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-8147-1327-3.
94. ^ Probasco, Christian (18 June 2008). "Grilling Terry L. Anderson, Free-Market Environmentalist". New West.
95. ^ Jump up to:a b M. Rothbard, For a New Liberty, The Libertarian Manifesto
96. ^ Peden Stateless Societies: Ancient Ireland
97. ^ Rothbard. "Defense Services on the Free Market"
98. ^ Benson. "The Enterprise of Customary Law"
99. ^ Hasnas. "The Obviousness of Anarchy"
100. ^ Tabarrok, Alex (21 April 2004). "Somalia and the theory of anarchy". Marginal Revolution. Retrieved 13 January 2008.
101. ^ Knight, Alex R., III (7 October 2009). "The Truth About Somalia And Anarchy". Center for a Stateless Society. Retrieved 24 December 2016.
102. ^ Block, Walter (Fall 1999). "Review Essay" (PDF). The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics. 2 (3). Retrieved 28 January 2010. But if we define anarchy as places without governments, and we define governments as the agencies with a legal right to impose violence on their subjects, then whatever else occurred in Haiti, Sudan, and Somalia, it wasn't anarchy. For there were well-organized gangs (e.g., governments) in each of these places, demanding tribute, and fighting others who made similar impositions. Absence of government means absence of government, whether well established ones, or fly-by-nights.
103. ^ Brian Morris, "Global Anti-Capitalism", pp. 170–176, Anarchist Studies, vol. 14, no. 2, p. 175
104. ^ Peter Sabatini. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy".
105. ^ Bob Black (1992), "The Libertarian As Conservative", The Abolition of Work and Other Essays, p. 144
106. ^ Jump up to:a b c Birch, Paul (1998). "Anarcho-capitalism Dissolves Into City States" (PDF). Libertarian Alliance. Legal Notes. no. 28: 4. ISSN 0267-7083. Retrieved 5 July2010.
107. ^ Jump up to:a b Holcombe, Randall G. "Government: Unnecessary but Inevitable" (PDF).
108. ^ Meltzer, Albert (2000). Anarchism: Arguments For and Against. AK Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-1873176573.
109. ^ Jeffrey Paul, Fred Dycus Miller (1993). Liberalism and the Economic Order. Cambridge University Press. p. 115.
110. ^ See Childs's incomplete essay, "Anarchist Illusions", Liberty against Power: Essays by Roy A. Childs, Jr., ed. Joan Kennedy Taylor (San Francisco: Fox 1994) 179–183.
111. ^ Jeffrey Paul, Fred Dycus Miller (1993). Liberalism and the Economic Order. Cambridge University Press. p. 118.
112. ^ Ellickson, Robert C. (26 January 2017). "A Hayekian Case Against Anarcho-Capitalism: Of Street Grids, Lighthouses, and Aid to the Destitute". Yale Law & Economics Research Paper No. 569. SSRN 2906383.
113. ^ Sterba, James P. (October 1994). "From Liberty to Welfare". Ethics. Cambridge: Blackwell). 105 (1): 237–241.
114. ^ "On Anarchism: Noam Chomsky interviewed by Tom Lane". chomsky.info. 23 December 2006. Retrieved 9 January 2016.
115. ^ Iain McKay; et al. (21 January 2010). "Section F – Are 'anarcho'-capitalists really anarchists?". An Anarchist FAQ. Infoshop.org. Retrieved 21 August 2013.
116. ^ Andrew Fiala (3 October 2017). "Anarchism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
117. ^ Anthony J. II Nocella; Richard J. White; Erika Cudworth (2015). Anarchism and Animal Liberation: Essays on Complementary Elements of Total Liberation. McFarland & Co. ISBN 978-0786494576. Anarchism is a socio-political theory which opposes all systems of domination and oppression such as racism, ableism, sexism, anti-LGBTTQIA, ageism, sizeism, government, competition, capitalism, colonialism, imperialism and punitive justice, and promotes direct democracy, collaboration, interdependence, mutual aid, diversity, peace, transformative justice and equity
118. ^ Paul McLaughlin (2007). Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 48. ISBN 978-1138276147. Thus, as David Miller puts it, capitalism is regarded by anarchists as ‘both coercive [though this word may be too strong] and exploitative – it places workers in the power of their bosses, and fails to give them a just return for their contribution to production’
119. ^ "I am David Graeber, an anthropologist, activist, anarchist and author of Debt. AMA". Reddit. Retrieved 21 August 2013.
120. ^ "DEBT author David Graeber to answer questions on Reddit". Melville House. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
121. ^ Friedman, David. "Market Failure: The Case for and Against Government". Do We Need a Government?. www.daviddfriedman.com. Retrieved 14 July 2010.
122. ^ McElroy, Wendy (1995). "Intellectual Property: The Late Nineteenth Century Libertarian Debate". Libertarian Heritage No. 14 ISBN 1-85637-281-2. Retrieved 24 June 2005
123. ^ Harry Binswanger. "Sorry Libertarian Anarchists, Capitalism Requires Government".
124. ^ Feofanova, Dmitry N. (Fall 1995). "Luna Law: The Liberation Vision in Heinlein's The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress". Tennessee Law Review. 63: 71–142. Retrieved 14 June 2020 – via HeinOnline.
125. ^ "Sharper Security Series". Catallaxy Media. Archived from the original on 18 January 2013. Retrieved 23 November 2012.
126. ^ "Big Head Press – Thoughtful Stories, Graphic Novels Online And In Print – Escape From Terra – by Sandy Sandfort, Scott Bieser, Leila Del Duca and Lee Oaks!". Escape From Terra. Archived from the original on 15 May 2011. Retrieved 22 April 2011.

Further reading[edit]
See also: Anarcho-capitalist literature

• Brown, Susan Love, The Free Market as Salvation from Government: The Anarcho-Capitalist View, Meanings of the Market: The * Free Market in Western Culture, edited by James G. Carrier, Berg/Oxford, 1997, p. 99.
• Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country? Ed., Roderick T. Long & Tibor R. Machan. Ashgate.
• Anarchy and the Law: The Political Economy of Choice, Edward Stringham. Transaction Publishers, 2007.
• Sylvan, Richard. Anarchism. A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, editors Goodin, Robert E. and Pettit, Philip. Blackwell Publishing, 1995, p. 231.
• De Leon, David. The American as Anarchist: Reflections of Indigenous Radicalism, Chapter: The Beginning of Another Cycle, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979, pp. 117 and 123.

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Anarcho-primitivism
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Anarcho-primitivism
Anarcho-primitivism is an anarchist critique of the origins and progress of civilization. According to anarcho-primitivism, the shift from hunter-gatherer to agricultural subsistence gave rise to social stratification, coercion, and alienation. Anarcho-primitivists advocate a return to non-"civilized" ways of life through deindustrialization, abolition of the division of labor or specialization, and abandonment of large-scale organization technologies. Many traditional anarchists reject the critique of civilization while some, such as Wolfi Landstreicher, endorse the critique but do not consider themselves anarcho-primitivists. Anarcho-primitivists are often distinguished by their focus on the praxis of achieving a feral state of being through "rewilding".
Contents

• 1History
  • 1.1Origins
  • 1.2Recent themes
• 2Main concepts
  • 2.1Civilization and violence
  • 2.2Domestication
    • 2.2.1Rewilding and reconnection
  • 2.3Consumerism and mass society
  • 2.4Critique of mechanical time and symbolic culture
• 3Criticism and counter-criticism
  • 3.1Wording and semantics
  • 3.2Hypocrisy
  • 3.3Glorification of indigenous societies
  • 3.4Criticism from social anarchists
• 4See also
• 5Notes
• 6Bibliography
• 7Further reading
  • 7.1Books
  • 7.2Periodicals
  • 7.3Web

History[edit]
Origins[edit]

Walden by Henry David Thoreau, an influential early green-anarchist work
In the U.S., anarchism started to have an ecological view mainly in the writings of Henry David Thoreau. In his book Walden, he advocates simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to the advancement of industrial civilization.[1] "Many have seen in Thoreau one of the precursors of ecologism and anarcho-primitivism represented today by John Zerzan. For George Woodcock, this attitude can also be motivated by the idea of resistance to progress and the rejection of the increasing materialism that characterized North American society in the mid-19th century."[1] Zerzan himself included the text "Excursions" (1863) by Thoreau in his edited compilation of anti-civilization writings called Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections from 1999.[2]
In the late 19th century, anarchist naturism appeared as the union of anarchist and naturist philosophies.[3][4] It mainly was important within individualist anarchist circles[1] in Spain,[1][3][4] France[1] and Portugal.[5] Important influences in it were Henry David Thoreau,[1] Leo Tolstoy[3] and Elisee Reclus.[6] Anarcho-naturism advocated vegetarianism, free love, nudism and an ecological world view within anarchist groups and outside them.[3]
Anarcho-naturism promoted an ecological worldview, small ecovillages, and most prominently nudism as a way to avoid the artificiality of the industrial mass society of modernity.[3] Naturist individualist anarchists saw the individual in his biological, physical and psychological aspects and avoided and tried to eliminate social determinations.[7] Their ideas were important in individualist anarchist circles in France but also in Spain where Federico Urales (pseudonym of Joan Montseny), promotes the ideas of Gravelle and Zisly in La Revista Blanca (1898–1905).[8]
This tendency was strong enough as to call the attention of the CNT–FAI in Spain. Daniel Guérin, in Anarchism: From Theory to Practice, reports how "Spanish anarcho-syndicalism had long been concerned to safeguard the autonomy of what it called "affinity groups". There were many adepts of naturism and vegetarianism among its members, especially among the poor peasants of the south. Both these ways of living were considered suitable for the transformation of the human being in preparation for a stateless society. At the Zaragoza congress, the members did not forget to consider the fate of groups of naturists and nudists, "unsuited to industrialization." As these groups would be unable to supply all their own needs, the Congress anticipated that their delegates to the meetings of the Confederation of communes would be able to negotiate special economic agreements with the other agricultural and industrial communes. On the eve of a vast, bloody, social transformation, the CNT did not think it foolish to try to meet the infinitely varied aspirations of individual human beings."[9]
Recent themes[edit]

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Anarchists contribute to an anti-authoritarian push, which challenges all abstract power on a fundamental level, striving for egalitarian relationships and promoting communities based upon mutual aid. Primitivists, however, extend ideas of non-domination to all life, not just human life, going beyond the traditional anarchist's analysis. Using the work of anthropologists, primitivists look at the origins of civilization so as to understand what they are up against and how current society formed in order to inform a change in direction. Inspired by the Luddites, primitivists rekindle an anti-technological orientation. Insurrectionalists do not believe in waiting for critiques to be fine-tuned, instead spontaneously attacking civilization's current institutions.
Primitivists may owe much to the Situationists and their critique of the ideas in The Society of the Spectacle and alienation from a commodity-based society. Deep ecology informs the primitivist perspective with an understanding that the well-being of all life is linked to the awareness of the inherent worth and intrinsic value of the non-human world, independent of its economic value. Primitivists see deep ecology's appreciation for the richness and diversity of life as contributing to the realization that present human interference with the non-human world is coercive and excessive.
Bioregionalists bring the perspective of living within one's bioregion, and being intimately connected to the land, water, climate, plants, animals, and general patterns of their bioregion.
Some primitivists have been influenced by the various indigenous cultures. Primitivists attempt to learn and incorporate sustainable techniques for survival and healthier ways of interacting with life. Some are also inspired by the feral subculture, where people abandon domestication and have re-integrate themselves with the wild.
Main concepts[edit]
"Anarchy is the order of the day among hunter-gatherers. Indeed, critics will ask why a small face-to-face group needs a government anyway. [...] If this is so we can go further and say that since the egalitarian hunting-gathering society is the oldest type of human society and prevailed for the longest period of time – over thousands of decades – then anarchy must be the oldest and one of the most enduring kinds of polity. Ten thousand years ago everyone was an anarchist."
—Harold Barclay, American anthropologist[10]
Some anarcho-primitivists state that prior to the advent of agriculture humans lived in small, nomadic bands which were socially, politically, and economically egalitarian. Being without hierarchy, these bands are sometimes viewed as embodying a form of anarchism.
Primitivists hold that following the emergence of agriculture the growing masses of humanity became evermore beholden to technology ("technoaddiction") [11] and abstract power structures arising from the division of labor and hierarchy. Primitivists disagree over what degree of horticulture might be present in an anarchist society, with some arguing that permaculture could have a role but others advocating a strictly hunter-gatherer subsistence.
Primitivism has drawn heavily upon cultural anthropology and archaeology. From the 1960s forward, societies once viewed as "barbaric" were reevaluated by academics, some of whom now hold that early humans lived in relative peace and prosperity in what has been called the "original affluent society". Frank Hole, an early-agriculture specialist, and Kent Flannery, a specialist in Mesoamerican civilization, have noted that, "No group on earth has more leisure time than hunters and gatherers, who spend it primarily on games, conversation and relaxing."[12] Jared Diamond, in the article "The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race",[13] said hunter-gatherers practice the most successful and longest-lasting life style in human history, in contrast with agriculture, which he described as a "mess" and that it is "unclear whether we can solve it". Based on evidence that life expectancy has decreased with the adoption of agriculture, the anthropologist Mark Nathan Cohen has called for the need to revise the traditional idea that civilization represents progress in human well-being.[14]
Scholars such as Karl Polanyi and Marshall Sahlins characterized primitive societies as gift economies with "goods valued for their utility or beauty rather than cost; commodities exchanged more on the basis of need than of exchange value; distribution to the society at large without regard to labor that members have invested; labor performed without the idea of a wage in return or individual benefit, indeed largely without the notion of 'work' at all."[15]
Civilization and violence[edit]
Anarcho-primitivists view civilization as the logic, institution, and physical apparatus of domestication, control, and domination. They focus primarily on the question of origins. Civilization is seen as the underlying problem or root of oppression, and they believe that civilization should therefore be dismantled or destroyed.
Anarcho-primitivists describe the rise of civilization as the shift over the past 10,000 years from an existence deeply connected to the web of life, to one psychologically separated from and attempting to control the rest of life. They state that prior to civilization, there generally existed ample leisure time, considerable gender equality and social equality, a non-destructive and uncontrolling approach to the natural world, the absence of organized violence, no mediating or formal institutions, and strong health and robustness. Anarcho-primitivists state that civilization inaugurated mass warfare, the subjugation of women, population growth, busy work, concepts of property, entrenched hierarchies, as well as encouraging the spread of diseases. They claim that civilization begins with and relies on an enforced renunciation of instinctual freedom and that it is impossible to reform away such a renunciation. Based on several anthropological references, they further state that hunter-gatherer societies are less susceptible to war, violence, and disease.[16][17][18]
However, some—such as Lawrence Keely—contest this, citing that many tribe-based people are more prone to violence than developed states.[19]
Domestication[edit]
Anarcho-primitivists, such as John Zerzan, define domestication as "the will to dominate animals and plants", claiming that domestication is "civilization's defining basis".[20]
They also describe it as the process by which previously nomadic human populations shifted towards a sedentary or settled existence through agriculture and animal husbandry. They claim that this kind of domestication demands a totalitarian relationship with both the land and the plants and animals being domesticated. They say that whereas, in a state of wildness, all life shares and competes for resources, domestication destroys this balance. Domesticated landscape (e.g. pastoral lands/agricultural fields and, to a lesser degree, horticulture and gardening) ends the open sharing of resources; where "this was everyone's," it is now "mine." Anarcho-primitivists state that this notion of ownership laid the foundation for social hierarchy as property and power emerged. It also involved the destruction, enslavement, or assimilation of other groups of early people who did not make such a transition.
To primitivists, domestication enslaves both the domesticated species as well as the domesticators. Advances in the fields of psychology, anthropology, and sociology allows humans to quantify and objectify themselves, until they too become commodities.
Rewilding and reconnection[edit]
For most primitivist anarchists, rewilding and reconnecting with the earth is a life project. They state that it should not be limited to intellectual comprehension or the practice of primitive skills, but, instead, that it is a deep understanding of the pervasive ways in which we are domesticated, fractured, and dislocated from ourselves, each other, and the world. Rewilding is understood as having a physical component which involves reclaiming skills and developing methods for a sustainable co-existence, including how to feed, shelter, and heal ourselves with the plants, animals, and materials occurring naturally in our bioregions. It is also said to include the dismantling of the physical manifestations, apparatus, and infrastructure of civilization.
Rewilding is also described as having an emotional component, which involves healing ourselves and each other from what are perceived as 10,000-year-old wounds, learning how to live together in non-hierarchical and non-oppressive communities, and de-constructing the domesticating mindset in our social patterns. To the primitivist, "rewilding includes prioritizing direct experience and passion over mediation and alienation, re-thinking every dynamic and aspect of reality, connecting with our feral fury to defend our lives and to fight for a liberated existence, developing more trust in our intuition and being more connected to our instincts, and regaining the balance that has been virtually destroyed after thousands of years of patriarchal control and domestication. Rewilding is the process of becoming uncivilized."
Consumerism and mass society[edit]
Brian Sheppard asserts that anarcho-primitivism is not a form of anarchism at all. In Anarchism vs. Primitivism he says: "In recent decades, groups of quasi-religious mystics have begun equating the primitivism they advocate (rejection of science, rationality, and technology often lumped together under a blanket term "technology") with anarchism. In reality, the two have nothing to do with each other."[21]
Andrew Flood agrees with this assertion and points out that primitivism clashes with what he identifies as the fundamental goal of anarchism: "the creation of a free mass society".[22]
Primitivists do not believe that a "mass society" can be free. They believe industry and agriculture inevitably lead to hierarchy and alienation. They argue that the division of labor techno-industrial societies require to function forces people into reliance on factories and the labor of other specialists to produce their food, clothing, shelter, and other necessities and that this dependence forces them to remain a part of this society, whether they like it or not.[23]
Critique of mechanical time and symbolic culture[edit]
Some anarcho-primitivists view the shift towards an increasingly symbolic culture as highly problematic in the sense that it separates us from direct interaction. Often the response to this, by those who assume that it means that primitivists prefer to completely eliminate all forms of symbolic culture, is something to the effect of, "So, you just want to grunt?"[24] However, typically the critique regards the problems inherent within a form of communication and comprehension that relies primarily on symbolic thought at the expense (and even exclusion) of other sensual and unmediated means of comprehension. The emphasis on the symbolic is a departure from direct experience into mediated experience in the form of language, art, number, time, etc.
Anarcho-primitivists state that symbolic culture filters our entire perception through formal and informal symbols and separates us from direct and unmediated contact with reality. It goes beyond just giving things names, and extends to having an indirect relationship with a distorted image of the world that has passed through the lens of representation. It is debatable whether humans are "hard-wired" for symbolic thought, or if it developed as a cultural change or adaptation, but, according to anarcho-primitivists, the symbolic mode of expression and understanding is limited and deceptive, and over-dependence upon it leads to objectification, alienation, and perceptual tunnel vision. Many anarcho-primitivists promote and practice getting back in touch with and rekindling dormant and/or underutilized methods of interaction and cognition, such as touch and smell, as well as experimenting with and developing unique and personal modes of comprehension and expression.
Regarding those primitivists who have extended their critique of symbolic culture to language itself, Georgetown University professor Mark Lance describes this particular theory of primitivism as "literally insane, for proper communication is necessary to create within the box a means to destroy the box."[25]
Criticism and counter-criticism[edit]
Notable critics of anarcho-primitivism include post-left anarchists Wolfi Landstreicher[26] and Jason McQuinn,[27] Ted Kaczynski (the "Unabomber"),[28] and, especially, libertarian socialist Murray Bookchin, as seen in his polemical work entitled Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism.
Wording and semantics[edit]
Activist writer Derrick Jensen wrote in Walking on Water that he is often classified as a "Luddite" and "an anarcho-primitivist. Both of these labels fit well enough, I suppose."[29] Others, too, have designated his work with the latter term;[30][31] however, more recently, Jensen began to categorically reject the "primitivist" label, describing it as a "racist way to describe indigenous peoples." He prefers to be called "indigenist" or an "ally to the indigenous."[32]
Hypocrisy[edit]
A common criticism is of hypocrisy, i.e. that people rejecting civilization typically maintain a civilized lifestyle themselves, often while still using the very industrial technology that they oppose in order to spread their message. Jensen counters that this criticism merely resorts to an ad hominem argument, attacking individuals but not the actual validity of their beliefs.[33] He further responds that working to entirely avoid such hypocrisy is ineffective, self-serving, and a convenient misdirection of activist energies.[34] Primitivist John Zerzan admits that living with this hypocrisy is a necessary evil for continuing to contribute to the larger intellectual conversation.[35] Jason Godesky holds that the charge of hypocrisy is a generalization, affirming that "not all primitivists are against technology in and of itself; only some. Many primitivists hold a view that technology is ambiguous (...) So, the charge of hypocrisy only holds up if we extend the beliefs of some primitivists to all primitivists, or to primitivism itself." [36]
Glorification of indigenous societies[edit]
Wolfi Landstreicher and Jason McQuinn, post-leftists, have both criticized the romanticized exaggerations of indigenous societies and the pseudoscientific (and even mystical) appeal to nature they perceive in anarcho-primitivist ideology and deep ecology.[27][37] Zerzan has countered that the anarcho-primitivist view is not idealizing the indigenous, but rather "has been the mainstream view presented in anthropology and archaeology textbooks for the past few decades. It sounds utopian, but it's now the generally accepted paradigm".[38]
Ted Kaczynski has also argued that certain anarcho-primitivists have exaggerated the short working week of primitive society. Arguing that they only examine the process of food extraction and not the processing of food, creation of fire and childcare, which adds up to over 40 hours a week.[39]
Criticism from social anarchists[edit]
Besides Murray Bookchin, many class struggle oriented and social anarchists criticize primitivism as offering "no way forwards in the struggle for a free society" and that "often its adherents end up undermining that struggle by attacking the very things, like mass organization, that are a requirement to win it".[40] Other social anarchists have also argued that abandoning technology will have dangerous consequences, pointing out that around 50% of the population of the United Kingdom requires glasses and would be left severely impaired. Radioactive waste would need to be monitored for tens of thousands of years with high-tech equipment to prevent it leaking into ecosystems, that the millions of people who need regular treatment for illnesses would die and that the removal of books, recorded music, medical equipment, central heating and sanitation would result in a rapid dropping of the quality of life. Furthermore, social anarchists contend that without advanced agriculture the Earth's surface would not be able to support billions of people, meaning that building a primitivist society would require the death of billions.[41]
See also[edit]

• Anarcho-primitivists (category)
• Agrarian socialism
• Antimodernism
• Deep ecology
• Degrowth
• Deindustrialization
• Doomer
• Earth liberation
• Eco-communalism
• Ecofeminism
• Ecofascism
• Environmental ethics
• Evolutionary psychology
• Green anarchism
• Green Anarchy
• Hunter-gatherer
• Idea of Progress
• Jacques Camatte
• Neo-Luddism
• Neo-tribalism
• Noble savage
• Post-left anarchy
• Primitive communism
• Romanticism
• State of nature
• Survivalism

Notes[edit]

1. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Diez, Xavier Diez. "La Insumisión Voluntaria: El Anarquismo Individualista Español Durante La Dictadura Y La Segunda República (1923–1938)"[Draft Avoidance: Spanish Individualistic Anarchism During the Dictatorship and the Second Republic (1923–1938)] (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 26 May 2006. Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por John Zerzan. Para George Woodcock(8), esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX.Translated: "His most representative work is Walden, published in 1854, although redacted between 1845 and 1847 when Thoreau decided to move to an isolated cabin in the woods and live in intimate contact with nature in a solitary and sober life. His philosophy, from this experience, attempts to transmit the idea that a return to respecting nature is necessary, and that happiness is, above all, a fruit of inner richness and harmony between individuals and the natural environment. Many have seen Thoreau as a precursor to ecologism and anarcho-primitism, actualized by John Zerzan. For Woodcock (8), this attitude can also be motivated by the idea of resistance to progress and the rejection of the increasing materialism that characterized North American society in the mid-19th century."
2. ^ Zerzan, John, ed. (2005). Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections. Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-98-9.
3. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Roselló, Josep Maria. "El Naturismo Libertario (1890–1939)" [Libertarian Naturism (1890–1939)] (PDF) (in Spanish). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 January 2016.
4. ^ Jump up to:a b Ortega, Carlos. "Anarchism, Nudism, Naturism". Archived from the originalon 13 December 2013. Retrieved 10 December 2013.
5. ^ Freire, João. "Anarchisme et naturisme au Portugal, dans les années 1920" [Anarchism and naturism in Portugal in the 1920s]. Les anarchistes du Portugal [The Anarchists of Portugal] (in French). ISBN 2-9516163-1-7.'
6. ^ "The pioneers". Natustar. Archived from the original on 25 October 2012.
7. ^ "El individuo es visto en su dimensión biológica -física y psíquica- dejándose la social." (Roselló)
8. ^ Morán, Agustín. "Los origenes del naturismo libertario" [The origins of libertarian naturism] (in Spanish).
9. ^ Guérin, Daniel. Anarchism: From theory to practice.
10. ^ Barclay, Harold (1996). People Without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy. Kahn & Averill. ISBN 1-871082-16-1.
11. ^ Boyden, Stephen Vickers (1992). "Biohistory: The interplay between human society and the biosphere, past and present". Man and the Biosphere Series. Pari: UNESCO. 8 (supplement 173). doi:10.1021/es00028a604.
12. ^ Gowdy, John M. (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A Reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics. Island Press. p. 265. ISBN 1-55963-555-X.
13. ^ Diamond, Jared (May 1987). "The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race". Discover Magazine.
14. ^ Nathan Cohen, Mark (1991). Health and the Rise of Civilization. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-05023-2.
15. ^ Zerzan, John (1994). Future Primitive and Other Essays. Autonomedia. ISBN 1-57027-000-7. Archived from the original on 28 September 2007.
16. ^ Schultz, Emily; Lavenda, Robert. "The Consequences of Domestication and Sedentism". Archived from the original on 15 July 2009. Retrieved 11 May 2007.
17. ^ Elman, Service (1972). The Hunters. Prentice Hall. ASIN B000JNRGPK.
18. ^ Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Lifeways. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 1-56098-465-1.
19. ^ Keely, Lawrence (1996). War Before Civilization: the Myth of the Peaceful Savage. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199880706.
20. ^ Zerzan, John (2008). Twilight of the Machines. Feral House. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-932595-31-4.
21. ^ Sheppard, Brian. "Anarchism vs. Primitivism".
22. ^ Flood, Andrew (2005). "Is primitivism realistic? An anarchist reply to John Zerzan and others". Anarchist Newswire.
23. ^ Wilson, Chris (2001). "Against Mass Society." Green Anarchy, no. 6., via TheAnarchistLibrary.org. Retrieved 11 April 2019.
24. ^ The Green Anarchy Collective. "An Introduction to Anti-Civilization Anarchist Thought". Archived from the original on 12 December 2008.
25. ^ Lance, Mark from lecture Anarchist Practice, Rational Democracy, and CommunityNCOR (2004). Audio files Archived 21 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine
26. ^ Landstreicher, Wolfi (2007). "A Critique, Not a Program: For a Non-Primitivist Anti-Civilization Critique".
27. ^ Jump up to:a b McQuinn, Jason. Why I am not a Primitivist.
28. ^ Kaczynski, Ted. "The Truth About Primitive Life: A Critique of Anarchoprimitivism". It seems obvious, for example, that the politically correct portrayal of hunter-gatherers is motivated in part by an impulse to construct an image of a pure and innocent world existing at the dawn of time, analogous to the Garden of Eden," and calls the evidence of the violence of hunter-gatherers "incontrovertible.
29. ^ Jensen, Derrick (2005). Walking on Water. p. 223. ISBN 9781931498784.
30. ^ Esbjörn-Hargens, Sean; Zimmerman, Michael E. (2009). Integral Ecology: Uniting Multiple Perspectives on the Natural World. Shambhala Publications. p. 492. ISBN 9781590304662.
31. ^ Torres, Bob (2007). Making a Killing: The Political Economy of Animal Rights. p. 68. ISBN 9781904859673.
32. ^ Blunt, Zoe (2011). "Uncivilized". Canadian Dimension. Retrieved 24 May 2011.
33. ^ Jensen, Derrick (2006). The Problem of Civilization. Endgame. 1. New York City: Seven Stories Press. p. 128. ISBN 978-1-58322-730-5.
34. ^ Jensen, 2006, pp. 173–174: "[Although it's] vital to make lifestyle choices to mitigate damage caused by being a member of industrial civilization... to assign primary responsibility to oneself, and to focus primarily on making oneself better, is an immense copout, an abrogation of responsibility. With all the world at stake, it is self-indulgent, self-righteous, and self-important. It is also nearly ubiquitous. And it serves the interests of those in power by keeping our focus off them."
35. ^ "Anarchy in the USA". The Guardian. London. 20 April 2001.
36. ^ "5 Common Objections to Primitivism". The Anarchist Library. Retrieved 23 October 2019.
37. ^ "The Network of Domination".
38. ^ Harmon, James L., ed. (2010). "unknown+to+most" Take My Advice: Letters to the Next Generation from People Who Know a Thing or Two. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9780743242875.
39. ^ Kaczynski, Theodore (2008). The Truth About Primitive Life: A Critique of Primitivism.
40. ^ "Civilisation, primitivism and anarchism - Andrew Flood". libcom.org. Retrieved 28 June 2017.
41. ^ "Primitivism, anarcho-primitivism and anti-civilisationism - critique". libcom.org. 12 October 2006.

Bibliography[edit]

• Kaczynski, Theodore (2008). The Road to Revolution. Xenia Editions. p. 327. ISBN 978-2-88892-065-6.

Further reading[edit]
Books[edit]

• AbdelRahim, Layla (2015). Children's Literature, Domestication, and Social Foundation: Narratives of Civilization and Wilderness. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-66110-2.
• AbdelRahim, Layla (2013). Wild Children – Domesticated Dreams: Civilization and the Birth of Education. Halifax: Fernwood. ISBN 978-1-552-66548-0.
• Booth, Stephen (2001). Primitivism an Illusion With No Future. Green Anarchist. ISBN 0-9521226-3-4.
• Diamond, Stanley (1974). In Search of the Primitive: A Critique of Civilization. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-87855-582-6.
• Ellul, Jacques (1964). The Technological Society. New York: Knopf. ISBN 9780394703909.
• Gagliano, Giuseppe (2010). Il ritorno alla Madre Terra. L'utopia verde tra ecologia radicale e ecoterrorismo [The return to Mother Earth. The green utopia between radical ecology and eco-terrorism] (in Italian). Editrice Uniservice. p. 229. ISBN 978-88-6178-595-3.
• Glendinning, Chellis (1994). My Name is Chellis and I'm in Recovery from Western Civilization. Shambhala. ISBN 0-87773-996-X.
• Humphrey, Matthew (2007). "Anarcho-primitivism and direct action politics". Ecological Politics And Democratic Theory: The Challenge to the Deliberative Ideal. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-31431-2.
• Jensen, Derrick (2000). A Language Older Than Words. New York: Context Books. ISBN 1-893956-03-2.
• Jensen, Derrick (2002). The Culture of Make Believe. New York: Context Books. ISBN 1-893956-28-8.
• Kaczynski, Theodore (1996) [1995]. The Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and Its Future (3rd ed.). Berkeley: Jolly Roger Press. ISBN 0-9634205-2-6.
• Mander, Jerry (1992). In the Absence of the Sacred: The Failure of Technology and the Survival of the Indian Nations. Sierra Club Books. ISBN 9780871565099.
• Perlman, Fredy (1983). Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!. Detroit: Black & Red Books. ISBN 9780934868259.
• Quinn, Daniel (1992). Ishmael. New York: Bantam. ISBN 0-553-07875-5.
• Taylor, Bron (2010). Dark Green Religion: Nature Spirituality and the Planetary Future. University of California Press. pp. 91 onwards. ISBN 978-0-520-26100-6.
• Tucker, Kevin (2009). For Wildness and Anarchy. Greensburg, PA: Black and Green Press.
• Watson, David (1998). Against the Megamachine. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. ISBN 1-57027-087-2.
• Zerzan, John (1999). Elements of refusal. Columbia, MO: C.A.L. Press/Paleo Editions. ISBN 9781890532017.
• James Luchte (2012). Of the Feral Children. London: Createspace. ISBN 978-1479294886.

Periodicals[edit]

• Green Anarchy: An Anti-Civilization Journal of Theory and Action
• Species Traitor: An Insurrectionary Anarcho-Primitivist Journal
• Disorderly Conduct (journal)
• Fifth Estate: An Anti-Authoritarian Magazine of Ideas and Action

Web[edit]

• Kaczynski, Ted (1999). "Ship of Fools". OFF! Magazine (student zine at SUNY Binghamton). Binghamton, New York. Archived from the original on 31 December 2005.
• Kosman, Mark. "Marx, Engels, Luxemburg and the Return to Primitive Communism". Archived from the original on 12 December 2013.
• Etherington, Ben (24 May 2018). "The New Primitives". Los Angeles Review of Books. Los Angeles, California.

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Queer anarchism
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Queer anarchism (or anarcha-queer) is an anarchist school of thought that advocates anarchism and social revolution as a means of queer liberation and abolition of homophobia, lesbophobia, transmisogyny, biphobia, transphobia, heteronormativity, patriarchy, and the gender binary. People who campaigned for LGBT rights both outside and inside the anarchist and LGBT movements include John Henry Mackay,[1] Adolf Brand and Daniel Guérin.[2] Individualist anarchist Adolf Brand published Der Eigene from 1896 to 1932 in Berlin, the first sustained journal dedicated to gay issues.[3][4]
Contents

• 1History
• 2Contemporary queer anarchism
• 3See also
• 4References
• 5Further reading
• 6External links

History[edit]

John Henry Mackay, German individualist anarchist advocate of LGBT rights
Anarchism's foregrounding of individual freedoms made for a natural defense of homosexuality in the eyes of many, both inside and outside of the anarchist movement. In Das Kuriositäten-Kabinett (1923), Emil Szittya wrote about homosexuality that "very many anarchists have this tendency. Thus I found in Paris a Hungarian anarchist, Alexander Sommi, who founded a homosexual anarchist group on the basis of this idea". His view is confirmed by Magnus Hirschfeld in his 1914 book Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes: "In the ranks of a relatively small party, the anarchist, it seemed to me as if proportionately more homosexuals and effeminates are found than in others".[5] Italian anarchist Luigi Bertoni (who Szittya also believed to be homosexual) observed: "Anarchists demand freedom in everything, thus also in sexuality. Homosexuality leads to a healthy sense of egoism, for which every anarchist should strive".
In Oscar Wilde's The Soul of Man under Socialism, he passionately advocates for an egalitarian society where wealth is shared by all while warning of the dangers of authoritarian socialism that would crush individuality.[6] He later commented: "I think I am rather more than a Socialist. I am something of an Anarchist, I believe".[7] In August 1894, Wilde wrote to his lover Lord Alfred Douglas to tell of "a dangerous adventure". He had gone out sailing with two lovely boys—Stephen and Alphonso—and they were caught in a storm. "We took five hours in an awful gale to come back! [And we] did not reach pier till eleven o’clock at night, pitch dark all the way, and a fearful sea. [...] All the fishermen were waiting for us". Tired, cold and "wet to the skin", the three men immediately "flew to the hotel for hot brandy and water", but there was a problem as the law stood in the way: "As it was past ten o’clock on a Sunday night the proprietor could not sell us any brandy or spirits of any kind! So he had to give it to us. The result was not displeasing, but what laws!". Wilde finishes the story: "Both Alphonso and Stephen are now anarchists, I need hardly say".[6]

Adolf Brand, early German anarchist activist for the rights of male homosexuals
Anarcho-syndicalist writer Ulrich Linse wrote about "a sharply outlined figure of the Berlin individualist anarchist cultural scene around 1900", the "precocious Johannes Holzmann" (known as Senna Hoy): "an adherent of free love, [Hoy] celebrated homosexuality as a 'champion of culture' and engaged in the struggle against Paragraph 175".[8] The young Hoy (born 1882) published these views in his weekly magazine Kampf (Struggle) from 1904, which reached a circulation of 10,000 the following year. German anarchist psychotherapist Otto Gross also wrote extensively about same-sex sexuality in both men and women and argued against its discrimination.[9] Heterosexual anarchist Robert Reitzel (1849–1898) spoke positively of homosexuality from the beginning of the 1890s in his German-language journal Der arme Teufel (Detroit).
John Henry Mackay was an individualist anarchist known in the anarchist movement as an important early follower and propagandizer of the philosophy of Max Stirner.[10] Alongside this, Mackay was also an early signer of (Magnus) Hirschfeld's "Petition to the Legislative Bodies of the German Empire" for "a revision of the anti-homosexual paragraph 175 (his name appeared in the first list published in 1899)".[11] He also kept a special interest about Oscar Wilde and was outraged at his imprisonment for homosexual activity.[11] Nevertheless, Mackay entered into conflict with Hirschfeld and his organization the Scientific Humanitarian Committee.[12]
The individualist anarchist Adolf Brand was originally a member of Hirschfeld's Scientific Humanitarian Committee, but formed a break-away group. Brand and his colleagues, known as the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen ("Community of Self-owners"), were also heavily influenced by the writings of Stirner.[4]

Der Eigene stirnerist pioneer Gay activist publication
They were opposed to Hirschfeld's medical characterization of homosexuality as the domain of an "intermediate sex".[13] Ewald Tschek, another homosexual anarchist writer of the era, regularly contributed to Adolf Brand's journal Der Eigene and wrote in 1925 that Hirschfeld's Scientific Humanitarian Committee was a danger to the German people, caricaturing Hirschfeld as "Dr. Feldhirsch". Although Mackay was closer in views to Brand and his "Community of Self-owners" in some respects as compared to Hirschfeld's Scientific Humanitarian Committee, nevertheless he did not agree with Brand's antifeminism and almost misogynistic views believing his "anarchist principle of equal freedom to all certainly applied to women as well as men".[14]
Der Eigene was the first gay journal in the world, published from 1896 to 1932 by Brand in Berlin. Brand contributed many poems and articles himself. Other contributors included Benedict Friedlaender, Hanns Heinz Ewers, Erich Mühsam, Kurt Hiller, Ernst Burchard, John Henry Mackay, Theodor Lessing, Klaus Mann and Thomas Mann as well as artists Wilhelm von Gloeden, Fidus and Sascha Schneider. After the rise to power by the Nazis, Brand became a victim of persecution and had his journal closed.
The Ukrainian anarchist military leader Nestor Makhno was known to employ disguises as part of his guerilla tactics. His most commonly assumed disguise involved putting on makeup and dressing as a woman, so that he could survey enemy positions without detection.[15][16]
The prominent American anarchist Emma Goldman was also an outspoken critic of prejudice against homosexuals. Her belief that social liberation should extend to gay men and lesbians was virtually unheard of at the time, even among anarchists.[17] As Magnus Hirschfeld wrote, "she was the first and only woman, indeed the first and only American, to take up the defense of homosexual love before the general public".[18] In numerous speeches and letters, she defended the right of gay men and lesbians to love as they pleased and condemned the fear and stigma associated with homosexuality. As Goldman wrote in a letter to Hirschfeld: "It is a tragedy, I feel, that people of a different sexual type are caught in a world which shows so little understanding for homosexuals and is so crassly indifferent to the various gradations and variations of gender and their great significance in life".[18]
Despite these supportive stances, the anarchist movement of the time certainly was not free of homophobia and an editorial in an influential Spanish anarchist journal from 1935 argued that an anarchist should not even associate with homosexuals, let alone be one: "If you are an anarchist, that means that you are more morally upright and physically strong than the average man. And he who likes inverts is no real man, and is therefore no real anarchist".[19]
Lucía Sánchez Saornil was a main founder of the Spanish anarcha-feminist federation Mujeres Libres who was open about being a lesbian.[20] At a young age, she began writing poetry and associated herself with the emerging Ultraist literary movement. By 1919, she had been published in a variety of journals, including Los Quijotes, Tableros, Plural, Manantial and La Gaceta Literaria. Working under a male pen name, she was able to explore lesbian themes[21] at a time when homosexuality was criminalized and subject to censorship and punishment. Dissatisfied with the chauvinistic prejudices of fellow Republicans, Lucía Sánchez Saornil joined with two compañeras, Mercedes Comaposada and Amparo Poch y Gascón, to form Mujeres Libres in 1936. Mujeres Libres was an autonomous anarchist organization for women committed to a "double struggle" of women's liberation and social revolution. Lucía and other "Free Women" rejected the dominant view that gender equality would emerge naturally from a classless society. As the Spanish Civil War exploded, Mujeres Libres quickly grew to 30,000 members, organizing women's social spaces, schools, newspapers and daycare programs.

Lucía Sánchez Saornil, prominent Spanish anarcha-feminist militant, leader of the collective Mujeres Libres and lesbian writer
The writings of the French bisexual anarchist Daniel Guérin offer an insight into the tension sexual minorities among the left have often felt. He was a leading figure in the French left from the 1930s until his death in 1988. After coming out in 1965, he spoke about the extreme hostility toward homosexuality that permeated the left throughout much of the 20th century.[22] "Not so many years ago, to declare oneself a revolutionary and to confess to being homosexual were incompatible", Guérin wrote in 1975.[23] In 1954, Guérin was widely attacked for his study of the Kinsey Reports in which he also detailed the oppression of homosexuals in France: "The harshest [criticisms] came from marxists, who tend seriously to underestimate the form of oppression which is antisexual terrorism. I expected it, of course, and I knew that in publishing my book I was running the risk of being attacked by those to whom I feel closest on a political level".[24] After coming out publicly in 1965, Guérin was abandoned by the left and his papers on sexual liberation were censored or refused publication in left-wing journals.[25] From the 1950s, Guérin moved away from Marxism–Leninism and toward a synthesis of anarchism and Marxism close to platformism, which allowed for individualism while rejecting capitalism. Guérin was involved in the uprising of May 1968 and was a part of the French gay liberation movement that emerged after the events. Decades later, Frédéric Martel described Guérin as the "grandfather of the French homosexual movement".[26]
Meanwhile, in the United States, the influential anarchist thinker Paul Goodman came out late in his career as bisexual. The freedom with which he revealed in print and in public his romantic and sexual relations with men (notably in a late essay, "Being Queer"),[27] proved to be one of the many important cultural springboards for the emerging gay liberation movement of the early 1970s.
Contemporary queer anarchism[edit]

Logo of TQILA, Queer anarchism milicia of IRPGF in Rojava.

Flag of TQILA.
Anarcha-queer originated during the second half 20th century among anarchists involved in the gay liberation movement, who viewed anarchism as the road to harmony between heterosexual/cis people and LGBT people. Anarcha-queer has its roots deep in queercore, a form of punk rock that portrays homosexuality in a positive manner. Like most forms of punk rock, queercore attracts a large anarchist crowd. Anarchists are prominent in queercore zines. There are two main anarcha-queer groups: Queer Mutiny, a British group with branches in most major cities; and Bash Back!, an American network of queer anarchists. Queer Fist appeared in New York City and identifies itself as "an anti-assimilationist, anti-capitalist, anti-authoritarian street action group, came together to provide direct action and a radical queer and trans-identified voice at the Republican National Convention (RNC) protests".[28]
Anarcha-feminist collectives such as the Spanish squat Eskalera Karakola and the Bolivian Mujeres Creando give high importance to lesbian and bisexual female issues.
The I'm uncultured Army is a left-wing queer anarchist group in Sweden, which launched its first action on August 18, 2014 when it pied the Minister for Health and Social Affairs, Christian Democrat leader Göran Hägglund.[29]
See also[edit]

• 
  Anarchism portal
• 
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• Society portal

• Anarchism and issues related to love and sex
• Communism and homosexuality
• Dumba – a New York collective living space with Anarcha-queer tendencies
• Gay Shame – a movement self-described as a radical alternative to gay mainstreaming
• Pink capitalism
• Queeruption – a queercore festival where anarchists are prominent
• Socialism and LGBT rights

References[edit]

1. ^ "The story of one person's struggle against intolerance and repression during the early 20th century homosexual emancipation movement in Germany. Mackay is a very interesting figure in both anarchist and homosexual circles."Hubert Kennedy. Anarchist Of Love: The Secret Life Of John Henry Mackay. Archived March 22, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
2. ^ "Although by 1968 he could be seen as the “grandfather of the French homosexual movement” , Daniel Guérin has always been better known outside gay circles for his rôle in the revolutionary movement. On the revolutionary left of the Socialist Party in the 1930s, he was later heavily influenced by Trotsky, before becoming attracted to the libertarian communist wing of the anarchist movement." David Berry. "For a dialectic of homosexuality and revolution"
3. ^ Karl Heinrich Ulrichs had begun a journal called Uranus in 1870, but only one issue ("Prometheus") was published. (Kennedy, Hubert, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs: First Theorist of Homosexuality, In: 'Science and Homosexualities', ed. Vernon Rosario (pp. 26–45). New York: Routledge, 1997.
4. ^ Jump up to:a b Hubert Kennedy. Anarchist Of Love: The Secret Life Of John Henry Mackay.pg. 7
5. ^ Hirschfeld, Magnus, 1914. Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes (Berlin: Louis Marcus)
6. ^ Jump up to:a b Kristian Williams. "The Soul of Man Under... Anarchism?"
7. ^ According to his biographer Neil McKenna, Wilde was part of a secret organization that aimed to legalize homosexuality, and was known among the group as a leader of "the Cause". (McKenna, Neil. 2003. The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde.)
8. ^ Linse, Ulrich, Individualanarchisten, Syndikalisten, Bohémiens, in "Berlin um 1900", ed. Gelsine Asmus (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie, 1984)
9. ^ Gottfried Heuer. "Otto Gross (1877-1920) - Biographical Survey".
10. ^ "IDEAS OF MAX STIRNER.; First English Translation of His Book, "The Ego and His Own" -- His Attack on Socialism -- The Most Revolutionary Book Ever Published." by JAMES HUNEKER
11. ^ Jump up to:a b Hubert Kennedy. Anarchist Of Love: The Secret Life Of John Henry Mackay.pg. 12
12. ^ Hubert Kennedy. Anarchist Of Love: The Secret Life Of John Henry Mackay.pg. 8
13. ^ New York: Howard Fertig, 1985.
14. ^ Hubert Kennedy. Anarchist Of Love: The Secret Life Of John Henry Mackay.pg. 35
15. ^ Nikolaev, Alexej (1947). First among Equals (in Russian). Moscow. p. 124. ASIN B0719CM1ZT.
16. ^ Skirda, Alexandre (2004). "28: Nestor Makhno's Personality: Character Traits and Idiosyncrasies". Nestor Makhno: Anarchy's Coassack. Translated by Paul Sharkey. Edinburgh: AK Press. p. 296. ISBN 1-902593-68-5.
17. ^ Katz, Jonathan Ned (1992). Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. New York City: Penguin Books. pp. 376–380.
18. ^ Jump up to:a b Goldman, Emma (1923). "Offener Brief an den Herausgeber der Jahrbücher über Louise Michel" with a preface by Magnus Hirschfeld. Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen 23: 70. Translated from German by James Steakley. Goldman's original letter in English is not known to be extant.
19. ^ Quoted in Cleminson, Richard. 1995. Male inverts and homosexuals: Sex discourse in the Anarchist Revista Blanca, Published in Gert Hekma et al. (eds.)"Gay men and the sexual history of the political left" by Harrington Park Press 1995, ISBN 978-1-56023-067-0.
20. ^ "basta pensar en el lesbianismo de Lucía Sánchez Saornil"Archived 2 April 2012 at the Wayback Machine
21. ^ "R. Fue una época transgresora, emergió el feminismo y la libertad sexual estuvo en el candelero. Hay rastreos de muchas lesbianas escritoras: Carmen Conde[primera académica de número], Victorina Durán, Margarita Xirgu, Ana María Sagi, la periodista Irene Polo, Lucía Sánchez Saornil, fundadora de Mujeres Libres[sección feminista de CNT]... Incluso existía un círculo sáfico en Madrid como lugar de encuentro y tertulia.P. ¿Se declaraban lesbianas?R. Había quien no se escondía mucho, como Polo o Durán, pero lesbiana era un insulto, algo innombrable. Excepto los poemas homosexuales de Sánchez Saornil, sus textos no eran explícitos para poder publicarlos, así que hay que reinterpretarlos.""Tener referentes serios de lesbianas elimina estereotipos" by Juan Fernandez at El Pais
22. ^ *The Parti Communiste Français was "hysterically intransigent as far as ’moral behaviour’ was concerned" (Aragon, victime et profiteur du tabou, in Gai Pied Hebdo, 4 June 1983, reproduced in Homosexualité et Révolution, pp. 62-3, quote p. 63.);
    * The trotskyist Pierre Lambert's OCI was "completely hysterical with regard to homosexuality"; Lutte ouvrire was theoretically opposed to homosexuality; as was the Ligue communiste, despite their belatedly paying lip service to gay lib. (à confesse, Interview with Gérard Ponthieu in Sexpol no. 1 (20 January 1975), pp.10-14.)
    * Together, Guérin argued, such groups bore a great deal of responsibility for fostering homophobic attitudes among the working class as late as the 1970s. Their attitude was "the most blinkered, the most reactionary, the most antiscientific". (Etre homosexuel et révolutionnaire, La Quinzaine littéraire, no. 215, no. spécial : ‘Les homosexualités’ (August 1975), pp. 9-10. Quote p. 10)
23. ^ Guérin, Daniel. 1975. Etre homosexuel et révolutionnaire, La Quinzaine littéraire, no. 215, no. spécial : ‘Les homosexualités’ (August 1975), pp. 9-10.
24. ^ Letter of 27 May 1955, Fonds Guérin, BDIC, F° Δ 721/carton 12/4, quoted in Chaperon, ‘Le fonds Daniel Guérin et l’histoire de la sexualité’ in Journal de la BDIC, no.5 (June 2002), p.10
25. ^ Berry, David. 2003. For a dialectic of homosexuality and revolution.Paper for "Conference on "Socialism and Sexuality. Past and present of radical sexual politics", Amsterdam, 3–4 October 2003.
26. ^ Frédéric Martel, Le rose et le noir. Les homosexuels en France depuis 1968 (Paris: Seuil, 2000), pp.46.
27. ^ Goodman, Paul (1994), "Being Queer", in Stoehr, Taylor (ed.), Crazy Hope and Finite Experience: Final Essays of Paul Goodman, Routledge, p. 103, ISBN 0-88163-266-X
28. ^ Queer Fist blog
29. ^ "Christian Democrat leader attacked with cake". The Local. 18 August 2014. Retrieved 20 August 2014.

Further reading[edit]

• Lena Eckert. "Post-Anarchism as a Tool for Queer and Transgender Politics and/or Vice Versa?". 1993
• David Berry. For a dialectic of homosexuality and revolution. 2003.
• Terence Kissack. Free Comrades: Anarchism and Homosexuality in the United States. AK Press. 2008. ISBN 978-1-904859-11-6
• Fray Baroque & Tegan Eanell (Eds). Queer Ultraviolence: BashBack! Anthology. Ardent Press. 2011
• C. B. Daring; J. Rogue; Deric Shannon and Abbey Volcano (Eds). Queering Anarchism: Addressing and Undressing Power and Desire. AK Press. 2012. ISBN 978-1-84935-120-1
• The Mary Nardini Gang. Be Gay Do Crime. Contagion Press. 2018
• Vikky Storm. The Gender Accelerationist Manifesto. 2019

External links[edit]

• Media related to Queer anarchism at Wikimedia Commons
• Archive of queer zines

show v t e Anarchism

show v t e Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) topics

• Anarchism portal
• LGBTQ portal

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[Mr.Dimentio]

Transhumanist politics
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Organizations
Political ideologies
Currents
Overviews
Transhumanism
Part of the Ideology series on
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Abolitionism Extropianism Immortalism Postgenderism Singularitarianism Technogaianism
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Transhumanist politics constitutes a group of political ideologies that generally express the belief in improving human individuals through science and technology.
Contents

• 1History
• 2Core values
• 3Criticism
• 4Anarcho-transhumanism
• 5Democratic transhumanism
  • 5.1Philosophy
  • 5.2Trends
  • 5.3List of democratic transhumanists
  • 5.4Criticism
• 6Libertarian transhumanism
  • 6.1Principles
  • 6.2Criticisms
• 7See also
• 8References
• 9External links

History[edit]
The term "transhumanism" with its present meaning was popularised by Julian Huxley's 1957 essay of that name.[1]
Natasha Vita-More was elected as a Councilperson for the 28th Senatorial District of Los Angeles in 1992. She ran with the Green Party, but on a personal platform of "transhumanism". She quit after a year, saying her party was "too neurotically geared toward environmentalism".[2][3]
James Hughes identifies the "neoliberal" Extropy Institute, founded by philosopher Max More and developed in the 1990s, as the first organized advocates for transhumanism. And he identifies the late-1990s formation of the World Transhumanist Association (WTA), a European organization which later was renamed to Humanity+ (H+), as partly a reaction to the free market perspective of the "Extropians". Per Hughes, "[t]he WTA included both social democrats and neoliberals around a liberal democratic definition of transhumanism, codified in the Transhumanist Declaration."[4][5] Hughes has also detailed the political currents in transhumanism, particularly the shift around 2009 from socialist transhumanism to libertarian and anarcho-capitalist transhumanism.[5] He claims that the left was pushed out of the World Transhumanist Association Board of Directors, and that libertarians and Singularitarians have secured a hegemony in the transhumanism community with help from Peter Thiel, but Hughes remains optimistic about a techno-progressive future.[5]
In 2012, the Longevity Party, a movement described as "100% transhumanist" by cofounder Maria Konovalenko,[6] began to organize in Russia for building a balloted political party.[7] Another Russian programme, the 2045 Initiative was founded in 2012 by billionaire Dmitry Itskov with its own "Evolution 2045" political party advocating life extension and android avatars.[8][9]
Writing for H+ Magazine in July 2014, futurist Peter Rothman called Gabriel Rothblatt "very possibly the first openly transhumanist political candidate in the United States" when he ran as a candidate for the United States Congress.[10]
In October 2014, Zoltan Istvan announced that he would be running in the 2016 United States presidential election under the banner of the "Transhumanist Party."[11] By November 2019, the Party had over 1,800 members,[12] with Gennady Stolyarov II as chair.[13] Other groups using the name "Transhumanist Party" exist in Canada,[14] the United Kingdom[15][16][17] and Germany.[18]
Core values[edit]
According to a 2006 study by the European Parliament, transhumanism is the political expression of the ideology that technology and science should be used to enhance human abilities.[19]
According to Amon Twyman of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies (IEET), political philosophies which support transhumanism include social futurism, techno-progressivism, techno-libertarianism, and anarcho-transhumanism.[20] Twyman considers such philosophies to collectively constitute political transhumanism.[20]
Techno-progressives also known as Democratic transhumanists,[21][22] support equal access to human enhancement technologies in order to promote social equality and prevent technologies from furthering the divide among socioeconomic classes.[23] However, libertarian transhumanist Ronald Bailey is critical of the democratic transhumanism described by James Hughes.[24][25] Jeffrey Bishop wrote that the disagreements among transhumanists regarding individual and community rights is "precisely the tension that philosophical liberalism historically tried to negotiate," but that disagreeing entirely with a posthuman future is a disagreement with the right to choose what humanity will become.[26] Woody Evans has supported placing posthuman rights in a continuum with animal rights and human rights.[27]
Riccardo Campa wrote that transhumanism can be coupled with many different political, philosophical, and religious views, and that this diversity can be an asset so long as transhumanists do not give priority to existing affiliations over membership with organized transhumanism.[28]
Criticism[edit]
Some transhumanists question the use of politicizing transhumanism.[who?] Truman Chen of the Stanford Political Journal considers many transhumanist ideals to be anti-political.[29]
Anarcho-transhumanism[edit]

Flag of anarcho-transhumanism, represented by a blue and black diagonal flag, where the blue is drawn from the acceleration shown in the Doppler effect on light.[30]
Anarcho-transhumanism is a philosophy synthesizing anarchism with transhumanism that is concerned with both social and physical freedom respectively. Anarcho-transhumanists define freedom as the expansion of ones own ability to experience the world around them.[31]
The philosophy draws heavily from the individualist anarchism of William Godwin and Voltairine de Cleyre[32] as well as the cyberfeminism presented by Donna Haraway in A Cyborg Manifesto.[33] It looks at issues surrounding bodily autonomy,[34] disability,[35] gender,[34] neurodiversity,[36] queer theory[37] science[38] and sexuality[39] whilst presenting critiques through anarchist and transhumanist lens of ableism,[36] cisheteropatriarchy[34] and primitivism.[40]
Anarcho-transhumanists also criticise non-anarchist forms of transhumanism such as democratic transhumanism and libertarian transhumanism as incoherent and unsurvivable due to their preservation of the state. They view such instruments of power as inherently unethical and incompatible with the acceleration of social and material freedom for all individuals.[41] Anarcho-transhumanism is anti-capitalist, arguing capitalist accumulation of wealth would lead to dystopia while partnered with transhumanism. Anarcho-transhumanism advocates for the equal access to advanced technologies that enable morphological freedom and space travel.[42]
Democratic transhumanism[edit]
Main article: Technoprogressivism

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Democratic transhumanism, a term coined by James Hughes in 2002, refers to the stance of transhumanists (advocates for the development and use of human enhancement technologies) who espouse liberal, social, and/or radical democratic political views.[43][44][45][46]
Philosophy[edit]
According to Hughes, the ideology "stems from the assertion that human beings will generally be happier when they take rational control of the natural and social forces that control their lives."[44][47] The ethical foundation of democratic transhumanism rests upon rule utilitarianism and non-anthropocentric personhood theory.[48] Democratic transhumanist support equal access to human enhancement technologies in order to promote social equality and to prevent technologies from furthering the divide among the socioeconomic classes.[49] While raising objections both to right-wing and left-wing bioconservatism, and libertarian transhumanism, Hughes aims to encourage democratic transhumanists and their potential progressive allies to unite as a new social movement and influence biopolitical public policy.[44][46]
An attempt to expand the middle ground between technorealism and techno-utopianism, democratic transhumanism can be seen as a radical form of techno-progressivism.[50] Appearing several times in Hughes' work, the term "radical" (from Latin rādīx, rādīc-, root) is used as an adjective meaning of or pertaining to the root or going to the root. His central thesis is that emerging technologies and radical democracy can help citizens overcome some of the root causes of inequalities of power.[44]
According to Hughes, the terms techno-progressivism and democratic transhumanism both refer to the same set of Enlightenment values and principles; however, the term technoprogressive has replaced the use of the word democratic transhumanism.[51][52]
Trends[edit]
Hughes has identified 15 "left futurist" or "left techno-utopian" trends and projects that could be incorporated into democratic transhumanism:

• Afrofuturism
• Assistive technology-enabled disabled people
• Biopunk science fiction and movement
• Body modification culture
• Cyborg feminism/cyberfeminism
• Feminist science fiction
• Free software movement
• Lesbian science fiction, gay science fiction, bisexual science fiction and transgender science fiction
• Nanosocialism
• Post-Darwinian leftism
• Postcyberpunk science fiction
• Post-work/guaranteed minimum income movement
• Technogaianism
• Up-wing politics
• Viridian design movement

List of democratic transhumanists[edit]
These are notable individuals who have identified themselves, or have been identified by Hughes, as advocates of democratic transhumanism:[53]

• Charles Stross
• George Dvorsky
• Giulio Prisco
• Ken MacLeod
• Mark Alan Walker
• Martine Rothblatt
• Ramez Naam
• Riccardo Campa

Criticism[edit]
Science journalist Ronald Bailey wrote a review of Citizen Cyborg in his online column for Reason magazine in which he offered a critique of democratic transhumanism and a defense of libertarian transhumanism.[24][25]
Critical theorist Dale Carrico defended democratic transhumanism from Bailey's criticism.[54] However, he would later criticize democratic transhumanism himself on technoprogressive grounds.[55]
Libertarian transhumanism[edit]

Libertarianism
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Libertarian transhumanism is a political ideology synthesizing libertarianism and transhumanism.[43]
Self-identified libertarian transhumanists, such as Ronald Bailey of Reason magazine and Glenn Reynolds of Instapundit, are advocates of the asserted "right to human enhancement" who argue that the free market is the best guarantor of this right, claiming that it produces greater prosperity and personal freedom than other economic systems.[56][57]
Principles[edit]
Libertarian transhumanists believe that the principle of self-ownership is the most fundamental idea from which both libertarianism and transhumanism stem. They are rational egoists and ethical egoists who embrace the prospect of using emerging technologies to enhance human capacities, which they believe stems from the self-interested application of reason and will in the context of the individual freedom to achieve a posthuman state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. They extend this rational and ethical egoism to advocate a form of "biolibertarianism".[56]
As strong civil libertarians, libertarian transhumanists hold that any attempt to limit or suppress the asserted right to human enhancement is a violation of civil rights and civil liberties. However, as strong economic libertarians, they also reject proposed public policies of government-regulated and -insured human enhancement technologies, which are advocated by democratic transhumanists, because they fear that any state intervention will steer or limit their choices.[25][58][59]
Extropianism, the earliest current of transhumanist thought defined in 1988 by philosopher Max More, initially included an anarcho-capitalist interpretation of the concept of "spontaneous order" in its principles, which states that a free market economy achieves a more efficient allocation of societal resources than any planned or mixed economy could achieve. In 2000, while revising the principles of Extropy, More seemed to be abandoning libertarianism in favor of modern liberalism and anticipatory democracy. However, many Extropians remained libertarian transhumanists.[43]
Criticisms[edit]
Critiques of the techno-utopianism of libertarian transhumanists from progressive cultural critics include Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron's 1995 essay The Californian Ideology; Mark Dery's 1996 book Escape Velocity: Cyberculture at the End of the Century; and Paulina Borsook's 2000 book Cyberselfish: A Critical Romp Through the Terribly Libertarian Culture of High-Tech.
Barbrook argues that libertarian transhumanists are proponents of the Californian Ideology who embrace the goal of reactionary modernism: economic growth without social mobility.[60] According to Barbrook, libertarian transhumanists are unwittingly appropriating the theoretical legacy of Stalinist communism by substituting, among other concepts, the "vanguard party" with the "digerati", and the "new Soviet man" with the "posthuman".[61] Dery coined the dismissive phrase "body-loathing" to describe the attitude of libertarian transhumanists and those in the cyberculture who want to escape from their "meat puppet" through mind uploading into cyberspace.[62] Borsook asserts that libertarian transhumanists indulge in a subculture of selfishness, elitism, and escapism.[63]
Sociologist James Hughes is the most militant critic of libertarian transhumanism. While articulating "democratic transhumanism" as a sociopolitical program in his 2004 book Citizen Cyborg,[46] Hughes sought to convince libertarian transhumanists to embrace social democracy by arguing that:

1. State action is required to address catastrophic threats from transhumanist technologies;
2. Only believable and effective public policies to prevent adverse consequences from new technologies will reassure skittish publics that they do not have to be banned;
3. Social policies must explicitly address public concerns that transhumanist biotechnologies will exacerbate social inequality;
4. Monopolistic practices and overly restrictive intellectual property law can seriously delay the development of transhumanist technologies, and restrict their access;
5. Only a strong liberal democratic state can ensure that posthumans are not persecuted; and
6. Libertarian transhumanists (who are anti-naturalists) are inconsistent in arguing for the free market on the grounds that it is a natural phenomenon.

Klaus-Gerd Giesen, a German political scientist specializing in the philosophy of technology, wrote a critique of the libertarianism he imputes to all transhumanists. While pointing out that the works of Austrian School economist Friedrich Hayek figure in practically all of the recommended reading lists of Extropians, he argues that transhumanists, convinced of the sole virtues of the free market, advocate an unabashed inegalitarianism and merciless meritocracy which can be reduced in reality to a biological fetish. He is especially critical of their promotion of a science-fictional liberal eugenics, virulently opposed to any political regulation of human genetics, where the consumerist model presides over their ideology. Giesen concludes that the despair of finding social and political solutions to today's sociopolitical problems incites transhumanists to reduce everything to the hereditary gene, as a fantasy of omnipotence to be found within the individual, even if it means transforming the subject (human) to a new draft (posthuman).[64]
See also[edit]

• Bioethics
• Cognitive liberty
• Left-libertarianism
• Outline of libertarianism
• Secular humanism
• Self-ownership
• Technogaianism
• Technological utopianism
• Techno-progressivism
• Transhumanism#Genetic divide

References[edit]

1. ^ Huxley, Julian (1957). "Transhumanism". Archived from the original on June 25, 2016. Retrieved February 24, 2006.
2. ^ Rothman, Peter (8 October 2014). "Transhumanism Gets Political". hplusmagazine.com. Retrieved 7 July 2015.
3. ^ Hughes, James. "The Politics of Transhumanism". changesurfer.com. Retrieved 18 August 2016. Ironically, Natasha Vita-More was actually elected to Los Angeles public office on the Green Party ticket in 1992. However her platform was “transhumanism” and she quit after one year of her two year term because the Greens were “too far left and too neurotically geared toward environmentalism.”
4. ^ Hughes, James (10 April 2009). "Transhumanist politics, 1700 to the near future". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January2015.
5. ^ Jump up to:a b c Hughes, James (1 May 2013). "The Politics of Transhumanism and the Techno-Millennial Imagination, 1626-2030". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January 2015.
6. ^ Konovalenko, Maria (26 July 2012). "Russians organize the "Longevity Party"". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 14 January 2015. On July 19, we made the first step towards the creation of the Longevity Party. [...] Longevity Party is 100% transhumanist party.
7. ^ Pellissier, Hank (20 August 2012). "Who are the "Longevity Party" Co-Leaders, and What do They Want? (Part 1)". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 14 January 2015. The recently-formed Longevity Party was co-founded by Ilia Stambler of Israel and Maria Konovalenko of Russia.
8. ^ Dolak, Kevin (27 August 2012). "Technology Human Immortality in 33 Years Claims Dmitry Itskov's 2045 Initiative". Retrieved 22 August 2015.
9. ^ Eördögh, Fruzsina (7 May 2013). "Russian Billionaire Dmitry Itskov Plans on Becoming Immortal by 2045". Archived from the original on 24 May 2015. Retrieved 22 August 2015.
10. ^ Rothman, Peter (1 July 2014). "Interview: Gabriel Rothblatt Congressional Candidate in Florida's 8th District". Humanity+. Retrieved 13 January 2015. I recently got together with Congressional candidate Gabriel Rothblatt who is very possibly the first openly transhumanist political candidate in the United States.
11. ^ Bartlett, Jamie (23 December 2014). "Meet the Transhumanist Party: 'Want to live forever? Vote for me'". The Telegraph. Zoltan decided to form the Transhumanist Party, and run for president in the 2016 US presidential election.
12. ^ Stolyarov II, Gennady (18 November 2019). U.S. Transhumanist Party / Transhuman Party Chairman’s Third Anniversary Message
13. ^ Bromwich, Jonah (19 May 2018). "Death of a Biohacker". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 June 2018. Gennady Stolyarov II, the chairman of the United States Transhumanist Party, a political organization with close to 880 members that supports life extension through science and technology, had been corresponding with Mr. Traywick since November 2015.
14. ^ "The Transhumanist Party of Canada - Official Website". www.transhumanistparty.ca. Retrieved 9 December 2019.
15. ^ Volpicelli, Gian (14 January 2015). "Transhumanists Are Writing Their Own Manifesto for the UK General Election". Motherboard. Vice. As the UK's 2015 general election approaches, you've probably already made up your mind on who knows best about the economy, who you agree with on foreign policy, and who cuts a more leader-like figure. But did you ever wonder who will deliver immortality sooner? If so, there's good news for you, since that's exactly what the UK Transhumanist Party was created for.
16. ^ Volpicelli, Gian (27 March 2015). "A Transhumanist Plans to Run for Office in the UK". Motherboard. Vice. Twyman intends to stand as an independent MP for the constituency of Kingston, on the radically pro-technology platform of the Transhumanist Party UK (TPUK), of which he's cofounder and leader.
17. ^ Solon, Olivia (10 April 2015). "Cyborg supporting Transhumanist Party appoints first political candidate in UK". Mirror. The newly-launched Transhumanist Party, which supports people who want to become cyborgs, has appointed its first political candidate in the UK.
18. ^ Benedikter, Roland (4 April 2015). "The Age of Transhumanist Politics – Part II". The Leftist Review. Archived from the original on 2018-01-01. Retrieved 2015-07-31. The Transhumanist Party is gaining traction also in other parts of the Western world – mainly in Europe so far. Among them are the Tranhumanist Party of the UK, the Transhumanist Party of Germany (Transhumanistische Partei Deutschland) and others, all currently in the process of foundation.
19. ^ European Parliament (2006). "Technology Assessment on Converging Technologies" (PDF). ii. Retrieved 12 January 2015. On the one side are the true believers in the potential of technology to make individuals ever more perfect. Transhumanism is a political expression of that.
20. ^ Jump up to:a b Twyman, Amon (7 October 2014). "Transhumanism and Politics". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. I would suggest that the way forward is to view transhumanism as a kind of political vector, axis, or hub rather than a single party or philosophy. In other words, the different political philosophies supportive of transhumanism (e.g. Social Futurism, Techno-Progressivism, Anarcho-Transhumanism, Techno-Libertarianism etc) should be considered to collectively constitute Political Transhumanism.
21. ^ Dvorsky, George (31 March 2012). "J. Hughes on democratic transhumanism, personhood, and AI". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January 2015. The term 'democratic transhumanism' distinguishes a biopolitical stance that combines socially liberal or libertarian views (advocating internationalist, secular, free speech, and individual freedom values), with economically egalitarian views (pro-regulation, pro-redistribution, pro-social welfare values), with an openness to the transhuman benefits that science and technology can provide, such as longer lives and expanded abilities. [...] In the last six or seven years the phrase has been supplanted by the descriptor 'technoprogressive' which is used to describe the same basic set of Enlightenment values and policy proposals: Human enhancement technologies, especially anti-aging therapies, should be a priority of publicly financed basic research, be well regulated for safety, and be included in programs of universal health care
22. ^ Hughes, James; Roux, Marc (24 June 2009). "On Democratic Transhumanism". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January 2015. When I wrote Citizen Cyborg in 2004 we had just begun defining the ideological position that embraced both traditional social democratic values as well as future transhuman possibilities, and we called it 'democratic transhumanism.' Since then, the people in that space have adopted the much more elegant term 'technoprogressive.'
23. ^ Ferrando, Francesca (2013). "Posthumanism, Transhumanism, Antihumanism, Metahumanism, and New Materialisms Differences and Relations". Existenz. 8 (2, Fall 2013). ISSN 1932-1066. Archived from the original on 14 January 2015. Retrieved 13 January 2015. Democratic transhumanism calls for an equal access to technological enhancements, which could otherwise be limited to certain socio-political classes and related to economic power, consequently encoding racial and sexual politics.
24. ^ Jump up to:a b Bailey, Ronald (2005). "Trans-Human Expressway: Why libertarians will win the future". Retrieved 5 February 2006.
25. ^ Jump up to:a b c Bailey, Ronald (2009). "Transhumanism and the Limits of Democracy". Retrieved 1 May 2009.
26. ^ Bishop, Jeffrey (2010). "Transhumanism, Metaphysics, and the Posthuman God" (PDF). Journal of Medicine and Philosophy. 35 (700–720): 713 and 717. doi:10.1093/jmp/jhq047. PMID 21088098. Retrieved September 22, 2015. The tension between the individual and the political that we see within trans- humanist philosophies is precisely the tension that philosophical liberalism historically tried to negotiate." and "[T]o question the posthuman future is to question our liberty to become what we will.
27. ^ Evans, Woody (2015). "Posthuman Rights: Dimensions of Transhuman Worlds". Teknokultura. Universidad Complutense Madrid. 12 (2). doi:10.5209/rev_TK.2015.v12.n2.49072. Retrieved August 16, 2016. Consider the state of posthumanism as a domain (*PR*). The careful definition of this domain will be vital in articulating the nature of the relationship between humanity and posthumanity. It will be an asymmetrical relationship, at first heavily favoring humans. It will become, if the posthuman population (and/or their power or influence) grows, a domain in which posthumans may favor themselves at the expense of humans, as humans favor themselves at the expense of animals and machinery within their own domains and networks.
28. ^ Campa, Riccardo, "Toward a transhumanist politics", Re-public, archived from the original on June 14, 2012, The central transhumanist idea of self-directed evolution can be coupled with different political, philosophical and religious opinions. Accordingly, we have observed individuals and groups joining the movement from very different persuasions. On one hand such diversity may be an asset in terms of ideas and stimuli, but on the other hand it may involve a practical paralysis, especially when members give priority to their existing affiliations over their belonging to organized transhumanism.
29. ^ Chen, Truman (15 December 2014). "The Political Vacuity of Transhumanism". Stanford Political Journal. Even some transhumanists have criticized the emergence of the Transhumanist Party, questioning the utility of politicizing transhumanist goals. In reality, the ideals the Transhumanist Party embodies are anti-political.
30. ^ "An Anarcho-Transhumanist FAQ (Why the color blue?)". Retrieved 22 January2020.
31. ^ Gillis, William (6 January 2012). "What Is Anarcho-Transhumanism?". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
32. ^ "An Anarcho-Transhumanist FAQ (What's all this about anarchism and transhumanism?)". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
33. ^ Munkittrick, Kyle. "On the Importance of Being a Cyborg Feminist". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
34. ^ Jump up to:a b c Gillis, William (21 September 2011). "The Floating Metal Sphere Trump Card". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
35. ^ Brix, Terra (4 April 2018). "This Machine Kills Ability". Retrieved 22 January2020.
36. ^ Jump up to:a b Linnell, Lexi (November 2016). "This Machine Kills Ableism". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
37. ^ Carrico, Dale (5 March 2006). "Technology Is Making Queers Of Us All". Retrieved 22 January 2020.
38. ^ Gillis, William (18 August 2015). Science As Radicalism. Retrieved 22 January2020.
39. ^ Saitta, Eleanor (2009). "Designing the Future of Sex" (PDF). Retrieved 22 January 2020.
40. ^ Gillis, William (13 June 2006). 15 Post-Primitivist Theses. Retrieved 22 January2020.
41. ^ Gillis, William (29 October 2015). The Incoherence And Unsurvivability Of Non-Anarchist Transhumanism (Speech). Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 22 January 2020.
42. ^ Towards a Liberatory Technology.
43. ^ Jump up to:a b c Hughes, James (2001). "Politics of Transhumanism". Retrieved 2007-01-26.
44. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Hughes, James (2002). "Democratic Transhumanism 2.0". Retrieved 2007-01-26.
45. ^ Hughes, James (2003). "Better Health through Democratic Transhumanism". Archived from the original on 2006-10-11. Retrieved 2007-01-26.
46. ^ Jump up to:a b c Hughes, James (2004). Citizen Cyborg: Why Democratic Societies Must Respond to the Redesigned Human of the Future. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-4198-1.
47. ^ James Hughes (20 July 2005). "On Democratic Transhumanism". The Journal of Geoethical Nanotechnology. Retrieved 13 January 2015.
48. ^ Hughes, James (1996). "Embracing Change with All Four Arms: A Post-Humanist Defense of Genetic Engineering". Retrieved 2007-01-26.
49. ^ Ferrando, Francesca (2013). "Posthumanism, Transhumanism, Antihumanism, Metahumanism, and New Materialisms Differences and Relations". Existenz. 8 (2, Fall 2013 ISSN 1932-1066). Archived from the original on 14 January 2015. Retrieved 13 January 2015.
50. ^ Carrico, Dale (2005). "Listen, Transhumanist!". Retrieved 2007-01-27.
51. ^ George Dvorsky (31 March 2012). "J. Hughes on democratic transhumanism, personhood, and AI". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January 2015.
52. ^ James Hughes and Marc Roux (24 June 2009). "On Democratic Transhumanism". Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies. Retrieved 13 January 2015.
53. ^ "Cyborg Democracy".
54. ^ Carrico, Dale (2005). "Bailey on the CybDemite Menace". Retrieved 2006-02-05.
55. ^ Carrico, Dale (2009). "James Hughes Flogs for the Robot Cult". Retrieved 2010-03-27.
56. ^ Jump up to:a b Bailey, Ronald (2005). Liberation Biology: The Scientific and Moral Case For the Biotech Revolution. Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-59102-227-4.
57. ^ Reynolds, Glenn (2006). An Army of Davids: How Markets and Technology Empower Ordinary People to Beat Big Media, Big Government, and Other Goliaths. Thomas Nelson. ISBN 1-59555-054-2.
58. ^ Bailey, Ronald (2005). "Trans-Human Expressway: Why libertarians will win the future". Retrieved 2006-02-05.
59. ^ Carrico, Dale (2005). "Bailey on the CybDemite Menace". Retrieved 2006-02-05.
60. ^ Barbrook, Richard; Cameron, Andy (2000). "The Californian Ideology". Retrieved 2007-02-06.
61. ^ Barbrook, Richard (2007). "Cyber-Communism: How the Americans Are Superseding Capitalism in Cyberspace". Retrieved 2009-05-21.
62. ^ Dery, Mark (1996). Escape Velocity: Cyberculture at the End of the Century. Grove Press. ISBN 0-8021-3520-X.
63. ^ Borsook, Paulina (2000). Cyberselfish: A Critical Romp Through the Terribly Libertarian Culture of High-Tech. Mother Jones. ISBN 1-891620-78-9.
64. ^ Giesen, Klaus-Gerd (2004). "Transhumanisme et génétique humaine". Archived from the original on 2007-03-10. Retrieved 2006-04-26.

External links[edit]

• An introduction to tomorrow's politics
• Cyborg Democracy
• Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies
• Transmocracy
• "Transhumanism: the next step of civilization" by Jan Krepelka

show v t e Political ideologies

show v t e Outline of life extension

show v t e Longevity

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